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munication issued against Elizabeth by the Pope. Mac Egan, the Pope's Vicar, never allowed any Irish papist that served the Queen to be pardoned when taken prisoner. The Irish chieftains, however, were never infected with this theological spirit; we hear of no murders or massacres of Protestants, as such, though afterwards their enemies shed such horror over the rebellion of 1641. Yet men, the most indifferent to the meaning of their own professions, will insensibly be influenced by the constant repetition of them. Though at first the Irish chieftains espoused the Pope's quarrel from policy, there is no doubt they became attached to it from principle, and the misfortunes they suffered while engaged in its cause, gave it that hold on their hearts which it never would have gained on their understandings.

The last reason seems to have been the distinctions drawn between Catholic and Protestant by the laws: these distinctions were comparatively trifling during the time of Elizabeth, and may be seen in the acts of the 2d of her reign. But nothing is trifling that wounds the vanity or pride of men,

motives which influence their conduct much more than grosser interests. They gave to O'Neil an opportunity of repeatedly demanding the free exercise of the Catholic religion, which claim (as is usual) was refused with a pertinacity equal to its insignificance.

This was sufficient.

The practical persecution, however, which was felt or feared by the Roman Catholics, was of greater extent.

In the pardon granted to the province of Munster by Sir G. Carew, he tells us in the Paccata Hibernia) that Priests and Romish religious persons were excepted. The Priests were always murdered in cold blood, whenever a town or garrison was taken. Sir C. Wilmot, when he took the Lord of Lixnaw's castles, only spared the Priest's life, to get possession of the Lord of Lixnaw's child. Spencer speaking of the state of religion in Ireland, of which he had been, an eye witness, delivers this just and admirable sentiment, which shews that practical, persecution did exist : “ In planting religion, thus much is needful to be observed, that it be not sought forcibly to be iin

pressed in them, with terror and sharp penatties, as is now the manner, but rather delivered and intimated with mildness and gentleness, so that it may not be hated before it be understood.”

This maxim, however, was so little congenial to English jurisprudence, that, on the contrary Valentine Brown calmly recommended the extirpation of the Irish papists, as the best means of advancing the Reformation. These reasons appear sufficient to account for the degree of Roman Catholic bigotry which appeared at the conclusion of Elizabeth's reign. But, as I imagine, that at this time was also formed that sanguinary character which henceforth marks the Irish, and the Popish religion in Ireland. I shall plead no excuse for digressing to point out its cause. This was the extreme ferocity with which this war of Elizabeth was carried on, against the Irish and the Irish chieftains.

Superiority and impunity are the only conditions necessary to develope the natural barbarity of the human heart, when its object is power. What we despise we appear to have a right to oppress. Hence, the na

țions which are themselves the most free, prove the greatest tyrants to their dependants. Hence the contempt which the white men in the West Indies feel for the black, may be considered as partly, the cause, as well as the effect, of the oppression of the latter.

While the Irish were able to maintain a pretty equal struggle with the English colony, that is, till the reign of Elizabeth, the common usages and laws of war (unless they were very unsuccessful) were preserved towards them. But when the

power

and pride of the English became so highly exalted under Elizabeth, the Irish were considered as a sort of rebel savages, clearly excluded from the contemplation of the laws of God and man, the violation of whose rights formed no precedent that could affect civilized nations, and it did not follow that a man who should spoil and murder them might not be possessed of an upright and gentle heart.

Not to weary the attention with a repetition of cruelties, which would become monotonous in spite of their singular atrocity,

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we will confine out remdtks to the boten and conduct of the Lord Deputy Mounta joy: Hé adoptétt the plan for reducing Irélähd, pbinted out, though not practised, by the Earl of Essex : this was by the sword and by famine. That there might be' nó cessation to military execution, the armies Here kept on foot during the winter; ša lies were made oud garrisons, to prevent the of ; every exertion was made to take of destroy the cattle, and in suinmer, tKe 'soldiers were employed to cut down the corn in the well-affected parts of the country, as well as the territories bey Totfginý to the chieftains in 'arths; no quarter was given in the battle, and prisoners taken in garrisons were murdered in cold blood. Whole districts, from the smallest pretence, were delivered up to thie Sword., pretence

Because the Queen’s troops could not kill fast enough, hd Irisliman Wás párdoned, unless he undertook to murder his Hearest friend or relation. Lord Mountjoy's sechetary relates that, ** Lord Mouktjoy héver received any to mercy but such as had so drawn blood on their fellow rebels. Thas

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