Page images
PDF
EPUB

VII. If you wish property to fulfil its duties, enable property to enforce its legal rights. Make the laws against subdivision of land, and those for enforcing covenants, operative in detail. Abolish those technical obstacles which render the enforcement of contracts so expensive, tedious and uncertain, as to be practically impossible. Nothing could more conduce to agricultural improvements than that landlords should build good farm houses; yet at present, if a landlord undertakes such outlay, he has not the power, without much difficulty and delay, of recovering his own property on the violation of those conditions on which it was let. This is but one out of many hindrances, separately harassing, and ruinous in their aggregate, which leave a proprietor in possession of faculties on condition he does not apply them; privileges till he uses them; an occasional power of doing injustice; and a general dominion over his estate about equal to that which he exercises over the air above it. If f you were but to render it obligatory to commit all engagements to paper, you would preclude much litigation and promote combination for lawful purposes.

VIII. Laws which should diminish the preposterous legal expenses connected with the transfer of property, as well as simplify proceedings and abridge litigation, would open out new roads to social improvement and be very popular among all classes except that of lawyers.

IX. A bill was introduced into the last Parliament for the purpose of enabling the proprietors of entailed estates to sell a portion of them under certain conditions, for the purpose of liberating the rest from debt. I would advise you to introduce it again, and carry it through. Besides many lesser benefits, it would not only enable many a man of honour to become an honest man, but would actually change many an estate, now as dangerous as a rock under water, into an honest estate.

X. Grants in aid of municipal funds for the purpose of improving the sanatory condition of large towns, as well as of attaching to them parks and gardens for the health and recreation of the citizens, would be a useful object in itself, and would provide employment where it is much wanted at the present moment. Schools of design, academies, museums, &c., have, I believe, been established in some of the great towns in England, and are almost universally attached to those in the more civilized foreign countries. Perhaps there is no country that stands more in need of such assistance than Ireland, or that would repay it so quickly. But this cannot be counted as among the pressing needs of the time.

XI. Still more useful perhaps would it be if there were established in this country schools for the children of the higher classes, based upon that religious

and patriotic principle on which the early collegiate schools of England were founded, and in connection with that discipline from which they have degenerated. The great moral purposes of such an institution can never be attained in a school which is only set up as a pecuniary speculation. To breed up gentlemen, a school must be in the hands of gentlemen, for whom some generous provision has been made, and whose toils as instructors are mitigated by the humanities of a fellowship in letters, the family tie of chapel, library, and hall, and, above all, by a consciousness of the dignity of their calling. In these establishments the boys should be thoroughly instructed in the classics and in the language and grammar of their country; and every thing around them should be an auxiliary to religion, morals, and manners. Such would seem to have been the original intention of our schools of royal foundation. One such institution has more recently been founded in Ireland by the liberality of individuals : but more such are required; and although the patriotism of Irishmen could direct itself to no worthier task than their establishment, yet the State might well contribute to an undertaking in which she has so deep an interest. Those classes that represent mind and receive reverence, sit at the centre of the social fabric; and the little money necessary for the purpose of making them apt for their office is not money thrown away.

LETTER IV.

Necessity of acting on a large Principle.-A Cure worth its Cost.-Selflove one Cause of English Dislike to Ireland.-England has her Blemishes as well as Ireland.-Mining Districts.-Manufacturing System.-False Civilization.-Alienation of Classes.—India. The Colonies.-English Pauperism.-No Popery.—Covetousness.—Verbal Truth compatible with Hollowness and Pretence.—Some Characteristics of the Irish Peasant.-Position of an Irish Proprietor.-Dangers that lie before England. Their connection with her present Policy towards Ireland. Both Countries now on their trial.-Safety only in a true Union. Two Destinies lie before England, each connected with her present Course. The Bankruptcy of a great National Company.—The possible Greatness of a united Empire founded on Virtue and on Trade.-Practical Hints as to Principles of Irish Policy.-What has been effected by an approach to Union.

SIR,

IN my last letter I mentioned certain pressing inconveniences, with which England cannot fail to be visited, unless she closes with the present opportunity of uniting Ireland to her by the bonds of mutual interest and affection; and I then proceeded to indicate a few remedial measures likely to make that union a blessing to England, instead of a curse, by removing those two great evils, poverty and lawlessness, which will continue to be the scourge of the empire till they are effectually dealt with. On

those remedial measures I touched but slightly; because the object of these letters is one more largely practical than any specific measure: but those who approve the general tenour of my suggestions will easily acquire far more valuable information, as to the necessary details, than I pretend to supply. In this concluding letter my purpose is to urge upon you the danger of rashly throwing remedial measures to one side, and the necessity of rising above petty considerations, and carrying out a consistent, simple and remedial policy in Ireland. Such a course would deal at once with all our evils; and, in the absence of it, you will struggle in vain with the least of them. The actions of men are, however, often determined not by the motives which they assign to others or to themselves, but by an influence of which they are unconscious; at one time an aspiration which scarcely has a name, or a great creative idea, which secretly moulds their immature conceptions; and, at other times, a mere passion or obscure prejudice. Believing that that nobler England, which never before was found on a great occasion unequal to a great exertion, is at present disinclined to adopt a course worthy of her by reason of the strong distaste felt to Ireland by a certain meaner England, the enemy of both countries; and believing that distaste to proceed mainly from inordinate self-love, I shall in this letter point out the not surprising fact,

« PreviousContinue »