XJX.

CHAPTER certainly follow, the calamities of which, in the actual state of Europe, would be incalculable, and no one could 1795. predict when they would end, or to what they would lead. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, and believing peace the greatest blessing his country could possess, he resolved, in case the treaty should be approved by the Senate, to affix to it his signature.

Senate advise the rati fication of the treaty.

June.

President embarrassed

ditional article.

The Senate assembled in June, and, after two weeks' discussion, advised the ratification. One article, however, was excepted. By this article it was stipulated, that a direct trade between the United States and the British West India Islands should be allowed to American vessels not exceeding the burden of seventy tons, laden with the produce of the States or of the Islands; but that molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, and cotton should not be transported in American vessels, either from the United States or the Islands, to any part of the world. As cotton was then becoming a product of much importance in the southern States, and had begun to be exported, this restriction was deemed inadmissible; and the ratification of the Senate was to be valid only on condition that an article should be introduced, cancelling the one in which the restriction was contained. Nor was there a unanimity even with this limitation. A bare constitutional majority, that is, exactly two thirds of the members, voted in favor of the treaty.

As this was a novel case, the President was somewhat with the con- at a loss to determine how to dispose of it. Whether the act of the Senate could be regarded as a ratification of the treaty, before this new article should be approved by the British government, and whether his signature could properly be affixed to it previously to that event, were questions which he took time to consider. A new obstacle was thrown in the way by intelligence from Europe, that the British cabinet had renewed the order for seizing provisions in vessels bound to French ports. As this order might imply a construction of the treaty, which could never be admitted in the United

XIX. 1795.

States, it was necessary still further to suspend his de- CHAPTER cision. Viewing the subject in all its relations, however, he inclined to the opinion, that it was best to ratify the treaty with the condition prescribed by the Senate, and at the same time to accompany it with a memorial or remonstrance to the British government against the provision order.

Meantime the treaty was published. At first an imperfect abstract only appeared; but a complete copy was soon after furnished by a member of the Senate to the editor of a newspaper. It thus came clandestinely before the public, without the authority of the executive, and without any of the official documents and correspondence, by which the objects and reasons of the negotiators could be explained. It was dissected, criticized, and condemned, in a tone of passionate and violent declamation, which could scarcely have been exceeded, if the instrument had reduced the United States to their former colonial dependence on England. The merits of the treaty were studiously kept out of sight, and all its objectionable parts were thrust forward, exaggerated, and censured as disgraceful and humiliating to the nation. It was impossible that a clamor so loud and so universal should not produce a strong impression upon every class of the community. The friends of the administration rallied in its defence, but they used the weapons of reason and argument; they talked of moderation and peace, of consistency and good faith. They found few patient listeners, and fewer impartial judges. The torrent was neither to be stemmed, nor diverted from its course. Public meetings were held; and resolutions and addresses condemning the treaty, and designed to have a popular effect, and to intimidate the executive, were voted, published, and widely circulated among the people.

The first resolves of this sort proceeded from a meeting in Boston. They were forwarded by an express to the President, with a letter from the selectmen of the town. He received them at Baltimore, while on his way

Popular excaused by

citement

the treaty.

Boston re

solves for

warded to

the Presi

dent.

XIX.

1795. President's answer.

July 28.

CHAPTER to Mount Vernon. Ten days afterwards, having carefully reviewed the subject, and ascertained the sentiments of the cabinet, he answered the letter. It had been his aim, he said, in every act of his administration, to seek the happiness of his fellow citizens, to discard personal, local, and partial considerations, to look upon the United States as one nation, and to consult only their substantial and permanent interests. "Without a predilection for my own judgment," he added, "I have weighed with attention every argument, which has at any time been brought into view. But the Constitution is the guide, which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed, that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles, upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well informed investigation. Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. To the high responsibility attached to it, I freely submit; and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country, I can no otherwise deserve it, than by obeying the dictates of my conscience." To these sentiments he steadily adhered, and he answered many of the addresses sent to him in nearly the same language.

Treaty signed by the President.

From the excitement that prevailed, however, and from the resolves of meetings in all parts of the country, he soon perceived, that a formidable attempt was making to stir up the people, with a view of operating on the executive. To defeat this purpose, and to put an end to the disorders hourly increasing by the combined action of overheated zeal, artifice, and party spirit, he returned to

XIX.

1795.

Philadelphia, summoned the cabinet, and submitted the CHAPTER proposition for immediately ratifying the treaty. It was approved by all the members except the Secretary of State, who, although he had before been in favor of it, now thought the step premature, till the provision order should be revoked, and the war between England and France should cease. This opinion had no effect on the President. He signed the treaty, the order was in due August 18. time repealed, and the ratification, on the terms advised by the Senate, was reciprocated by the British gov

ernment.

It would be impossible, within the limits of the present narrative, to sketch even an outline of the transactions relating to this treaty. No more can be said, than that the controversy, occasioned by it, increased the violence of party discord to almost an incredible extent; and that even the motives and character of Washington did not escape a full measure of the abuse, which was poured out upon all, who approved the acts of the administration. Regardless of truth and decorum, his detractors assailed him with a license and malignity, which showed an utter despair of accomplishing their ends by honorable means. But however they might excite his commiseration, they could not disturb his peace of mind. "I have long since resolved," said he, writing to the governor of Maryland, "for the present time at least, to let my calumniators proceed without any notice being taken of their invectives by myself, or by any others with my participation or knowledge. Their views, I dare say, are readily perceived by all the enlightened and well disposed part of the community; and by the records of my administration, and not by the voice of faction, I expect to be acquitted or condemned hereafter."

Party vioagainst

lence turned

Washington.

the treaty.

In relation to the treaty, time disappointed its ene- Effects of mies, and more than fulfilled the expectations of its friends. It saved the country from a war, improved its commerce, and served in no small degree to lay the foundation of its durable prosperity. The great points, which

XIX. 1795.

CHAPTER were said to be sacrificed or neglected, the impressment of seamen, neutral rights, and colonial trade, have never yet been settled, and are never likely to be settled satisfactorily, while England maintains the ascendency she now holds on the ocean.

Randolph's resignation. August 19.

Randolph's

The day following that on which the President affixed his name to the treaty, Mr. Randolph resigned the office of Secretary of State. The circumstances are these. While Washington was at Mount Vernon, the British minister, Mr. Hammond, put into the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury a letter from M. Fauchet to the French government, which had been intercepted at sea, whence it found its way to the British cabinet, and was forwarded to Mr. Hammond. The letter was translated by Mr. Pickering, and shown to the President when he arrived in Philadelphia. Its contents were such, as to excite suspicions of Mr. Randolph's conduct. It appeared that his political relations with the French minister had been more intimate and confidential, than was compatible with the office he held in the administration. At all events, it seemed a fair inference from the language of the letter, that M. Fauchet valued his services as having been useful to the French interests, and calculated on them for the future.

In the presence of the other members of the cabinet, the President handed this letter to Mr. Randolph and asked an explanation. He had not before heard of it; and, although he read it without emotion, he expressed much displeasure at the President's manner of bringing it to his notice, and complained that he did not first converse with him on the subject privately. He said that he wished more leisure to examine the letter, before making any detailed remarks on its contents, but added, that, considering the treatment he had received, he could not think of remaining in his office a moment longer. Accordingly he sent in his resignation the same day.

Mr. Randolph published a pamphlet vindicating his convindication. duct, and explaining such parts of the intercepted letter