XV. 1786. till they are pliant to his will, his work is achieved. The CHAPTER treachery of a Catiline or a Borgia may be detected by a fortunate accident, and crushed in its infancy; but the demagogue, under his panoply of falsehood and chicane, may gradually sap the foundations of social order, and his country may be left with no other recompense for the ruin he has wrought and the misery he has caused, than the poor consolation of execrating his name. the States. In short, the embarrassments growing out of the weak- Jealousies of ness of the confederacy, the utter inability of Congress to collect the means for paying the public debts or to provide for their security, the jealousies of the States, and the factious spirit of individuals, filled the mind of every true friend to his country with gloom and despondency. Congress had recommended an impost, or rate of duties, which was to be uniform in all the States, and the proceeds of which were to be appropriated to relieve the national wants. The States came tardily into this measure, as it seemed to be yielding a power, which was claimed as a special prerogative of State sovereignty. The States, in which commerce chiefly centred, were influenced by another motive. A larger amount would be drawn from the revenue in such States, than in others of equal or greater extent, population, and internal wealth. The fact was overlooked or disregarded, that the consumers, wherever they resided, actually paid the impost, and that the commercial States, by controlling the impost in their own ports, enjoyed advantages which the others did not possess. New York never acceded to the recommendation of Congress in such a manner as to make it operative; and, as the success of the measure everywhere depended on the caprice of the legislatures, and a rigid system of collection faithfully administered, there was but little hope of its answering the important end of supplying the national treasury. necessary. A dissolution of the Union, or an early and thorough A reform reform, was inevitable. The mode of effecting the latter, and saving the republic, was a theme upon which Wash XV. 1786. CHAPTER ington dwelt with deep solicitude in his correspondence and conversations with his friends. By a concurrence of favorable circumstances his advice and personal efforts were made available at the beginning of the train of events, which ended in the achievement of the constitution, "To form a compact relative to the navigation of the rivers Potomac and Pocomoke, and of part of the bay of Chesapeake, commissioners were appointed by the legislatures of Virginia and Maryland, who assembled at Alexandria, in March, 1785. While at Mount Vernon on a visit, they agreed to propose to their respective governments the appointment of other commissioners, with power to make conjoint arrangements, to which the assent of Congress was to be solicited, for maintaining a naval force in the Chesapeake, and to establish a tariff of duties on imports, to which the laws of both States should conform. When these propositions received the assent of the legislature of Virginia, an additional resolution was passed, directing that which respected the duties on imports to be communicated to all the States in the Union, which were invited to send deputies to the meeting."* Commissioners meet at Annapolis. September. Accordingly, in January following, the Assembly of Virginia appointed commissioners, who were instructed to meet such as should be appointed by the other States, "to take into consideration the trade of the United States, to examine the relative situation and trade of the said States, to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial relations may be necessary to their common interest and their permanent harmony, and to report to the several States such an act relative to this great object, as, when unanimously ratified by them, will enable the United States in Congress assembled effectually to provide for the same." The commissioners met at Annapolis, in September, 1786. Five States only sent deputies, and some of these came with such limited powers, that it was soon ascertained that nothing could be done towards * MARSHALL'S Life of Washington, 2d edition, Vol. II. p. 105. XV. 1786. effecting the object for which they had come together. CHAPTER Their deliberations ended in a report to their respective States, in which they represented the defects of the federal system, and the necessity of a revision. They likewise recommended another convention of deputies from all the States, furnished with requisite powers, who should meet at Philadelphia on the second day of May. At the same time they sent a letter to Congress, accompanied with a copy of their report to the States. appoints a general When the legislature of Virginia assembled, the report Virginia of the deputies was taken into consideration, and it was delegates to resolved to appoint seven delegates to meet those from convention. the other States in a general convention. Washington's December 4. name was put at the head of the list, and he was chosen by a unanimous vote of the representatives. The intelligence was first communicated to him by Mr. Madison, then a member of the Assembly, and afterwards officially by the governor. appointed a delegate to the Con vention. He was not a little embarrassed with this choice, for, Washington although he heartily approved the measure, yet he thought there were reasons of a personal nature, which made it inexpedient, if not improper, for him to take any part in it. He did not absolutely decline, but suggested his difficulties, and expressed a hope, that some other person. would be appointed in his place. As the weight of his name and the wisdom of his counsels were felt to be extremely important, in giving dignity and success to the proceedings of the convention, and as several months would intervene before the meeting, neither the governor nor his other friends pressed him to a hasty decision, trusting that time and reflection would remove his doubts. His objec tions to ac cepting the appoint His objections were frankly stated, and they are among the many evidences of his scrupulous regard to directness and consistency in every act of his life. "It is not only ment. inconvenient for me to leave home," said he to the gov- Dec. 21. ernor, "but there will be, I apprehend, too much cause to charge my conduct with inconsistency in again appearing XV. 1786. CHAPTER on a public theatre, after a public declaration to the contrary; and it will, I fear, have a tendency to sweep me back into the tide of public affairs, when retirement and ease are so much desired by me, and so essentially necessary." There can be no doubt, that, when he resigned his commission in the army, he firmly believed nothing could again occur to draw him from the retirement, to which he returned with such unfeigned satisfaction, and which no other consideration than the superior claims of his country could induce him to forego. On the present occasion he was not convinced, that his services would be more valuable than those of other citizens, whose ability and knowledge of public affairs, as his modesty would persuade him, better qualified them for the task of devising and maturing a system of civil government. Society of the Cincin nati. There was another objection, also, which seemed to bear with considerable weight on his mind. At the close of the war, some of the officers had formed themselves into an association, called the Society of the Cincinnati, the object of which was to establish a bond of union and fellowship between the officers, who had served together during the war, and were then about to be separated, and particularly to raise a permanent fund for the relief of unfortunate members, their widows, and orphans. Although Washington was not concerned in forming this society, yet he was well pleased with its benevolent design, and consented to be its president. Unexpectedly to him, however, and to all others connected with it, a very general dissatisfaction arose throughout the country, in regard to some of the principles upon which the society was founded. It was to be hereditary in the families of the members; it had a badge, or order, offensive in republican eyes, as imitating the European orders of knighthood; it admitted foreign officers, who had served in America, and their descendants; it provided for an indefinite accumulation of funds, which were to be disposed of at the discretion of the members. Discontents grew into clamorous censures. Pamphlets were written against the XV. society, and it was denounced as antirepublican, and a CHAPTER dangerous political engine. At the first general meeting, which was held at Philadelphia in May, 1784, Washing- 1786. ton exerted himself successfully to have the most objectionable features altered, and the articles of association were new modelled conformably to his suggestions. After these changes the alarmists were less vehement in their attacks; but they were not silenced, and the society continued to be looked upon with jealousy and disapprobation. resigns the presidency of the so ciety. A second general meeting was to take place in Phila- Washington delphia at the time appointed for the assembling of the convention. Before receiving notice that he was chosen a delegate, Washington had written a circular letter to the branches of the Society in the different States, declaring his intention to resign the presidency, and giving reasons why it would be inconvenient for him to attend the general meeting. He thought himself thus placed in a delicate situation. Were he to be present at the convention, the members of the Cincinnati Society might suppose they had just grounds for suspecting his sincerity, or even of charging him with having deserted the officers, who had so nobly supported him during the war, and always manifested towards him uncommon respect and attachment. Having a grateful sense of their affection, and reciprocating in reality all their kind feelings, he was reluctant to put himself in a condition, by which their favorable sentiments would be altered, or their sensibility in any degree wounded. Again, some of his friends in various parts of the country expressed themselves doubtingly in their letters, as to the propriety of his going to the convention, and some advised against it. Many thought the scheme illegal, since there was no provision in the articles of the confederation for such a mode of revision, and it had not been proposed by Congress. It was feared, therefore, that the doings of the convention would end in a failure, and perhaps in the disgrace of the delegates. They, who His friends propriety of the conven doubt the his attending tion. |