XV. 1785. the public his country. However much Washington was devoted to his private CHAPTER pursuits, so congenial to his taste and so exacting in their claims on his attention, yet neither his zeal for the public good, nor the importunity of his correspondents, would Devoted to allow his thoughts to be withdrawn from the political condition of his country. His opinions were asked and his advice was sought by the patriotic leaders in the public councils, and by such eminent persons as had been his coadjuters in the great work of independence, who now looked with concern upon the system of national government, which was confessedly inadequate to stand by its own strength, much less to sustain the Union of the States. This union had hitherto been preserved by the pressure of war. It was rather the last resort of a stern necessity, than the spontaneous choice of all the thirteen republics. Peace had taken away its main props, and was fast dissolving the slender bands by which it was bound together. Congress was its centre of action; and this body, imperfectly organized, possessing little real authority, never confident in what it possessed, and often distracted by party discords, had become almost powerless. The confederation had proved itself to be defective in Boston. The costume is a military cloak, which displays the figure to advantage. The effect is imposing and good; but, instead of confining himself to a close delineation of the features, the sculptor, like Canova, has allowed some latitude to his genius in expressing his idea of the character of his subject. The Washington Monument at Baltimore, in memory of the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, is a tribute worthy of the name, and most honorable to the liberality and public spirit by which it was erected. Innumerable casts have been taken from moulds formed upon Houdon's bust. It is rare, however, to find an accurate one. The moulds have been so often repeated from imperfect casts, with the attempts of bungling fabricators to correct or improve them, that the features have become changed and distorted, till very little of the original likeness remains, and all the spirit is gone. The busts commonly sold in Italy are from a different artist, probably some one who came to America after Houdon. Their resemblance to Washington is scarcely perceptible. The best casts from Houdon's bust are those executed by Deville, in the Strand, London. CHAPTER many points absolutely essential to the prosperity of a national government, if not to its very existence. XV. 1785. Defects of the confed eration. Washing- October 7. The most remarkable of these defects was the want of power to regulate commerce, and to provide for the payment of debts contracted by the confederacy. Without such power it was impossible to execute treaties, fulfil foreign engagements, or cause the nation to be respected abroad; and equally so, to render justice to public creditors at home, and to appease the clamor of discontent and disaffection, which so glaring a breach of public faith would naturally raise. an It was evident to all, that an alarming crisis was near at hand, scarcely less to be dreaded than the war from which the country had just emerged, unless a timely and effectual remedy could be provided. Washington's sentiments were often, freely, and feelingly expressed. "That we have it in our power," said he, "to become one of the most respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy towards one other, and keep good faith with the rest of the world. That our resources are ample and increasing, none can deny; but, while they are grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab to public faith, and shall sink, in the eyes of Europe, into contempt. It has long been a speculative question among philosophers and wise men, whether foreign commerce is of real advantage to any country; that is, whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which are introduced along with it, are counterbalanced by the convenience and wealth which it brings. But the decision of this question is of very little importance to us. We have abundant reason to be convinced, that the spirit of trade, which pervades these States, is not to be restrained. It behoves us then to establish just principles; and this cannot, any more than other matters of national concern, be done by thirteen heads, differently constructed and organized. The necessity, therefore, of a controlling power is obvious; and why it should be withheld is beyond my comprehension." XV. Again, in writing to Mr. Jay; "To be fearful of in- CHAPTER vesting Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Con gress exert them for the detriment of the public, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously for fear of losing their popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion, that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in applications to the States, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity and command obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited States are in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done? Things cannot go on in the same train for ever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme to another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. "What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing. I am told, that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking; thence to acting 1785. Powers of sufficient. XV. 1786. CHAPTER is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find, that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God, that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend." Apprehensions from of designing men. Nor were his apprehensions confined to the defects in the intrigues the system of government and the modes of administering it. The intrigues of designing and unprincipled men, little restrained by the arm of an efficient power, were still more to be feared. "There are errors in our national government," he said, "which call for correction; loudly, I would add. We are certainly in a delicate situation; but my fear is, that the people are not yet sufficiently misled to retract from error. To be plainer, I think there is more wickedness than ignorance mixed in our councils. Ignorance and design are difficult to combat. Out of these proceed illiberal sentiments, improper jealousies, and a train of evils, which oftentimes in republican governments must be sorely felt before they can be removed. The former, that is ignorance, being a fit soil for the latter to work in, tools are employed which a generous mind would disdain to use; and which nothing but time, and their own puerile or wicked productions, can show the inefficacy and dangerous tendency of. I think often of our situation, and view it with concern." Demagogues are the natural fruit of republics; and the fabled Upas could not be more poisonous or desolating to the soil from which it springs. Envious of his superiors, panting for honors which he is conscious he can never deserve, endowed with no higher faculties than cunning and an impudent hardihood, reckless of consequences, and grovelling alike in spirit and motive, the demagogue seeks first to cajole the people, then to corrupt, and last of all to betray and ruin them. When he has brought down the high to a level with himself, and depressed the low |