VI. 1774. government is pursuing a regular plan at the expense of law CHAPTER and justice to overthrow our constitutional rights and liberties, how can I expect any redress from a measure, which has been ineffectually tried already? For, Sir, what is it we are contending against? Is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea because burdensome? No, it is the right only, that we have all along disputed; and to this end we have already petitioned his Majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner, as subjects could do. Nay, more, we applied to the House of Lords and House of Commons in their different legislative capacities, setting forth, that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of our constitution. If, then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of taxation that we now do, and, as I before said, all along have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now than formerly? And what reason have we to believe, that they would make a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fill the breast of every American, if they did not intend to enforce it if possible? "In short, what further proofs are wanting to satisfy Designs of any one of the designs of the ministry, than their own acts, which are uniform and plainly tending to the same point, nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of taxation? What hope have we, then, from petitioning, when they tell us, that now or never is the time to fix the matter? Shall we, after this, whine and cry for relief, when we have already tried it in vain? Or shall we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a sacrifice to despotism? the ministry. ation. "If I were in any doubt, as to the right which the Right of taxParliament of Great Britain had to tax us without our consent, I should most heartily coincide with you in opinion, that to petition, and petition only, is the proper method to apply for relief; because we should then be asking a favor, and not claiming a right, which, by the law of nature and by our constitution, we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to. I should even think it criminal CHAPTER to go further than this, under such an idea; but I have VI. 1774. Means of redress. Petitions rejected and unavailing. none such. I think the Parliament of Great Britain have no more right to put their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my hands into yours; and, this being already urged to them in a firm, but decent manner, by all the colonies, what reason is there to expect any thing from their justice? "As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I own to you, Sir, I think the whole might as well have been expunged. I expect nothing from the measure, nor should my voice have sanctioned it, if the non-importation scheme was intended to be retarded by it; for I am convinced, as much as I am of my existence, that there is no relief for us but in their distress; and I think, at least I hope, that there is public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing, but the bare necessaries of life, to accomplish this end. This we have a right to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to do otherwise, till it has first reduced us to the most abject state of slavery. The stopping of our exports would, no doubt, be a shorter method than the other to effect this purpose; but, if we owe money to Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity can justify the non-payment of it; and, therefore, I have great doubts upon this head, and wish to see the other method first tried, which is legal and will facilitate these payments. "Satisfied, then, that the acts of the British Parliament are no longer governed by the principles of justice, that they are trampling upon the valuable rights of Americans, confirmed to them by charter and by the constitution they themselves boast of, and convinced beyond the smallest doubt, that these measures are the result of deliberation, and attempted to be carried into execution by the hand of power, is it a time to trifle, or risk our cause upon petitions, which with difficulty obtain access, and afterwards are thrown by with the utmost contempt? Or should we, because heretofore unsuspicious of design, and then unwilling to enter into disputes with the mother VI. 1774. country, go on to bear more, and forbear to enumerate CHAPTER our just causes of complaint? For my own part, I shall not undertake to say where the line between Great Britain and the colonies should be drawn; but I am clearly of opinion, that one ought to be drawn, and our rights clearly ascertained. I could wish, I own, that the dispute had been left to posterity to determine; but the crisis is arrived when we must assert our rights, or submit to every imposition, that can be heaped upon us, till custom and use shall make us tame and abject slaves." meets at burg. Aug. 1. The Convention met at Williamsburg on the day pro- Convention posed. Washington was a member from Fairfax County. WilliamsOne of the principal acts of this Convention was to adopt a new Association, more extensive in its prohibitions than the former, and fixing on certain times when all further intercourse with British merchants, both by imports and exports, was to be suspended, unless the offensive acts of Parliament should previously be repealed. In its general features, this Association was nearly the same as the Fairfax County Resolves. After sitting six days, appointing Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton delegates to the general Congress, and furnishing them with instructions, the Convention dissolved. the first Con tinental Congress. Sept. 5. The day appointed throughout the colonies for the Meeting of meeting of the first Congress, at Philadelphia, was the 5th of September. Two of Washington's associates, Mr. Henry and Mr. Pendleton, stopped on their way at Mount Vernon, whence they all pursued their journey together, and were present at the opening of the Congress. The proceedings of this assembly need not here be recounted. As the debates were never made public, the part performed by each individual cannot now be known. It has only been ascertained, that Dickinson drafted the petition to the King and the address to the inhabitants of Quebec, Jay the address to the people of Great Britain, and Lee the memorial to the inhabitants of the British colonies; CHAPTER state papers of great historical value, which extorted a eulogy from Chatham, and which will ever be regarded as among the ablest specimens of practical talent and political wisdom. VI. 1774. Letter to Oct. 9. Conduct of the people of Massachusetts defended. While attending the Congress, Washington received a letter from his friend, Captain Mackenzie, of the British army, then stationed at Boston, in which the writer spoke of the rebellious conduct of the Bostonians, the trouble they had given General Gage, their military preparations, and their secret aim at independence. In his answer, after regretting that his friend should be engaged in such a service, he added; "I do not mean by this to insinuate, that an officer is not to discharge his duty, even when chance, not choice, has placed him in a disagreeable situation; but I conceive, when you condemn the conduct of the Massachusetts people, you reason from effects, not causes; otherwise you would not wonder at a people, who are every day receiving fresh proofs of a systematic assertion of arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitution of their country, and to violate the most essential and valuable rights of mankind, being irritated and with difficulty restrained from acts of the greatest violence and intemperance. "Although you are taught to believe, that the people of Massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for independency, and what not, give me leave, my good friend, to tell you, that you are abused, grossly abused. This I advance with a degree of confidence and boldness, which may claim your belief, having better opportunities of knowing the real sentiments of the people you are among, from the leaders of them, in opposition to the present measures of the administration, than you have from those whose business it is, not to disclose truths, but to misrepresent facts in order to justify as much as possible to the world their own conduct. Give me leave to add, and I think I can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that government, or any other upon this continent, VI. 1774. separately or collectively, to set up for independence; but CHAPTER this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of those valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure. 66 These, Sir, being certain consequences, which must naturally result from the late acts of Parliament relative to America in general, and the government of Massachusetts Bay in particular, is it to be wondered at, I repeat, that men, who wish to avert the impending blow, should attempt to oppose it in its progress, or prepare for their defence, if it cannot be averted? Surely I may be allowed to answer in the negative; and again give me leave to add as my opinion, that more blood will be spilled on this occasion, if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of North America, and such a vital wound will be given to the peace of this great country, as time itself cannot cure, or eradicate the remembrance of." What is here said, in regard to independence, is confirmed by the address of the first Congress to the people of Great Britain. "You have been told, that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of independency. Be assured, that these are not facts, but calumnies." That such were at this time the sentiments of the leaders in America, there can be no reasonable doubt; being accordant with all their public acts and private declarations. Considering the temper of the British ministry, and the length to which their blindness and obstinacy had already carried them, a resort to arms was probably anticipated. Consequen ces of the acts of Par liament. State of opinion con cerning inde pendence. Washington. But it was certainly the opinion of Washington, and, Opinion of it is believed, of all his principal coadjutors, in the earlier stages of the contest, that a course of measures so obviously impolitic and unjust, and so hostile to the interests of England herself, would not be persevered in, and that |