it will give to the publick, at its periods, two or three hundred thousand pounds a year; if not, it will give them a fyftem of œconomy, which is itfelf a great revenue. It gives me no little pride and fatisfaction, to find that the principles of iny proceedings are, in many refpects, the very fame with those which are now pursued in the plans of the French minifter of finance. I am fure, that I lay before you a scheme eafy and practicable in all its parts. I know it is common at once to applaud and to reject all attempts of this nature.

I know it is common for men to fay, that such and such things are perfectly right-very defirable; but that, unfortunately, they are not practicable. Oh! no, Sir, no. Thofe things which are not practicable, are not defirable. There is nothing in the world really beneficial, that does not lie within the reach of an informed understanding, and a welldirected purfuit. There is nothing that God has judged good for us, that he has not given us the means to accomplish, both in the natural and the moral world. If we cry, like children for the moon, like children we must cry on.

We must follow the nature of our affairs, and conform ourselves to our fituation. If we do, our objects are plain and compaffable. Why should we refolve to do nothing, becaufe what I propofe to you may not be the exact demand of the petition; when we are far from refolved to comply

even with what evidently is fo? Does this fort of chicanery become us? The people are the masters. They have only to exprefs their wants at large and in grofs. We are the expert artifts; we are the skilful workmen, to fhape their defires into perfect form, and to fit the utenfil to the ufe. They are the sufferers, they tell the fymptoms of the complaint; but we know the exact feat of the difeafe, and how to apply the remedy according to the rules of art. How fhocking would it be to fee us pervert our skill, into a finifter and fervile dexterity, for the purpose of evading our duty, and defrauding our employers, who are our natural lords, of the object of their juft expectations. I think the whole not only practicable, but practicable in a very short time. If we are in carneft about, it, and if we exert that industry, and those talents in forwarding the work, which I am afraid may be exerted in impeding it-I engage, that the whole may be put in complete execution within a year. For my own part, I have very little to recommend me for this or for any task, but a kind of earnest and anxious perfeverance of mind, which, with all its good and all its evil effects, is moulded into my conftitution. I faithfully engage to the house, if they choose to appoint me to any part in the execution of this work, which (when they have made it theirs by the improve ments of their wisdom, will be worthy of the able

affiftance

affiftance they may give me) that by night and by day, in town, or in country, at the defk, or in the foreft, I will, without regard to convenience, eafe, or pleasure, devote myself to their fervice, not expecting or admitting any reward whatfoever. I owe to this country my labour, which is my all; and I owe to it ten times more industry, if ten times more I could exert. After all I fhall be an unprofitable fervant.

At the fame time, if I am able, and if I shall be permitted, I will lend an humble helping hand to any other good work which is going on. I have not, Sir, the frantick prefumption to fuppofe, that this plan contains in it the whole of what the publick has a right to expect, in the great work of reformation they call for. Indeed it falls infinitely short of it. It falls fhort, even of my own ideas. I have fome thoughts not yet fully ripened, relative to a reform in the customs and excife, as well as in fome other branches of financial admi niftration. There are other things too, which form effential parts in a great plan for the purpose of restoring the independence of parliament. The contractors bill of last year it is fit to revive; and I rejoice that it is in better hands than mine. The bill for fufpending the votes of cuftomhouse of ficers, brought into parliament feveral years ago, by one of our worthieft and wifeft members,*

* W. Dowdeswell, Efq, chancellor of the exchequer, 1755.

(would

(would to God we could along with the plan revive the person who defigned it.) But a man of very real integrity, honour, and ability will be found to take his place, and to carry his idea into full execution. You all fee how neceffary it is to review our military expences for fome years paft, and, if poffible, to bind up and close that bleeding artery of profufion: but that bufinefs alfo, I have reason to hope, will be undertaken by abilities that are fully adequate to it. Something must be devised (if poffible) to check the ruinous expence of elections.

Sir, all or most of these things must be done. Every one must take his part.

If we should be able by dexterity or power, or intrigue, to disappoint the expectations of our conftituents, what will it avail us? We fhall never be ftrong or artful enough to parry, or to put by the irresistible demands of our fituation. That fituation calls upon us, and upon our conftituents too, with a voice which will be heard. I am fure no man is more zealously attached than I am to the privileges of this house, particularly in regard to the exclufive management of money. The lords have no right to the difpofition, in any fenfe, of the publick purfe; but they have gone further in felf-denial than our utmoft jealousy could have required. A power of examining aç*Rejection of lord Shelburne's motion in the houfe of lords.

counts,

counts, to cenfure, correct, and punish, we never, that I know of, have thought of denying to the house of lords. It is fomething more than a cen tury fince we voted that body useless; they have now voted themselves fo. The whole hope of reformation is at length caft upon us; and let us not deceive the nation, which does us the honour to hope every thing from our virtue. If all the nation are not equally forward to prefs this duty upon us, yet be affured, that they will equally expect we fhould perform it. The refpectful filence of those who wait upon your pleasure, ought to be as powerful with you, as the call of those who require your fervice as their right. Some, without doors, affect to feel hurt for your dignity, because they fuppofe that menaces are held out to you. Juftify their good opinion, by fhewing that no menaces are neceffary to ftimulate you to your duty. But, Sir, whilft we may fympathise with them, in one point, who sympathise with us in another, we ought to attend no less to those who approach us like men, and who, in the guise of petitioners, fpeak to us in the tone of a concealed authority. It is not wife to force them to speak out more plainly, what they plainly mean.-But the petitioners are violent. Be it fo. Those who are leaft anxious about your conduct, are not those that love you moft. Moderate affection, and fatiated enjoyment, are cold and refpectful;

but