clared object of that original war, which has brought other wars, and other enemies on Ireland, was not very flattering to her dignity, her intereft, or to the very principle of her liberty. Yet the fubmitted patiently to the evils the fuffered from an attempt to fubdue to your obedience, countries whose very commerce was not open to her. America was to be conquered, in order that Ireland fhould not trade thither; whilft the miferable trade which fhe is permitted to carry on to other places has been torn to pieces in the ftruggle. In this fituation, are we neither to fuffer her to have any real intereft in our quarrel, or to be flattered with the hope of any future means of bearing the burdens which the is to incur in defending herself against enemies which we have brought upon her?

I cannot fet my face against fuch arguments. Is it quite fair to fuppofe, that I have no other motive for yielding to them, but a defire of acting against my conftituents? It is for you and for your interest, as a dear, cherished, and refpected part of a valuable whole, that I have taken my fhare in this queftion. You do not, you cannot fuffer by it. If honefty be true policy with regard to the tranfient intereft of individuals, it is much more certainly fo with regard to the permanent interefts of communities. I know, that it is but too natural for us to fee our own certain ruin, in

the

the poffible profperity of other people. It is hard to persuade us, that every thing which is got by another is not taken from ourselves. But it is fit, that we should get the better of thefe fuggeftions, which come from what is not the best and foundeft part of our nature, and that we fhould form to ourselves a way of thinking, more rational, more just, and more religious. Trade is not a limited thing; as if the objects of mutual demand and confumption, could not ftretch beyond the bounds of our jealoufies. God has given the earth to the children of men, and he has undoubtedly, in giving it to them, given them what is abundantly fufficient for all their exigencies; not a scanty, but a moft liberal provision for them all. The author of our nature has written it ftrongly in that nature, and has promulgated the fame law in his written word, that man fhall eat his bread by his labour; and I am perfuaded, that no man, and no combination of men, for their own ideas of their particular profit, can, without great impiety, undertake to say, that he shall not do so that they have no fort of right, either to prevent the labour, or to withhold the bread. Ireland having received no compenfation, directly or indirectly, for any reftraints on their trade, ought not, in justice or common honefty, to be made fubject to fuch restraints. I do not mean to impeach the right of the parliament of Great Britain to make

;

laws

laws for the trade of Ireland. I only speak of what laws it is right for parliament to make.

It is nothing to an oppreffed people, to fay that in part they are protected at our charge. The military force which fhall be kept up in order to cramp the natural faculties of a people, and to prevent their arrival to their utmost prosperity, is the inftrument of their fervitude not the means of their protection. To protect men, is to forward, and not to restrain their improvement. Elfe, what is it more, than to avow to them, and to the world, that you guard them from others, only to make them a prey to yourself? This fundamental nature of protection does not belong to free, but to all governments; and is as valid in Turkey as in Great Britain. No government ought to own that it exifts for the purpose of checking the profperity of its people, or that there is fuch a principle involved in its policy.

Under the impreffion of thefe fentiments, (and not as wanting every attention to my constituents, which affection and gratitude could infpire), I voted for these bills which give you so much trouble. I voted for them, not as doing complete juftice to Ireland, but as being fomething less unjust than the general prohibition which has hitherto prevailed. I hear some discourse, as if in one or two paltry duties on materials, Ireland had a preference; and that those who set themselves against VOL. III. Q

this

this act of fcanty juftice, affert that they are only contending for an equality. What equality? Do they forget, that the whole woollen manufacture of Ireland, the most extenfive and profitable of any, and the natural staple of that kingdom, has been in a manner fo deftroyed by restrictive laws of ours, and (at our perfuafion, and on our promises) by restrictive laws of their own, that in a few years, it is probable, they will not be able to wear a coat of their own fabrick? Is this equality? Do gentlemen forget, that the understood faith upon which they were perfuaded to fuch an unnatural act, has not been kept; but a linen-manufacture has been fet up, and highly encouraged, against them? Is this equality? Do they forget the state of the trade of Ireland in beer, so great an article of confumption, and which now ftands in fo mifchievous a position with regard to their revenue, their manufacture, and their agriculture? Do they find any equality in all this? Yet if the least step is taken towards doing them common justice in the flighteft article for the moft limited markets, a cry is raised, as if we were going to be ruined by partiality to Ireland.

Gentlemen, I know that the deficiency in these arguments is made up (not by you, but by others) by the ufual refource on fuch occafions, the confi dence in military force, and fuperiour power. But that ground of confidence, which at no time was

perfectly

perfectly juft, or the avowal of it tolerably decent, is at this time very unseasonable. Late experience has shewn, that it cannot be altogether relied upon; and many, if not all of our prefent difficulties, have arifen from putting our truft in what may very poffibly fail; and if it should fail, leaves those who are hurt by fuch a reliance, without pity. Whereas honesty and justice, reason and equity, go a very great way in fecuring profperity to those who use them; and in case of failure, fecure the best retreat, and the moft honourable confolations.

It is very unfortunate that we should confider thofe as rivals, whom we ought to regard as fellow-labourers in a common caufe. Ireland has never made a single step in its progress towards prosperity, by which you have not had a fhare, and perhaps the greatest fhare, in the benefit. That progrefs has been chiefly owing to her own natural advantages, and her own efforts, which, after a long time, and by flow degrees, have prevailed in fome measure over the mischievous fyftems which have been adopted. Far enough she is still from having arrived even at an ordinary state of perfection; and if our jealoufies were to be converted into politicks, as fyftematically as fome would have them, the trade of Ireland would vanish out of the fyftem of commerce. But believe me, if Ireland is beneficial to you, it is fo not from the parts in which it is reftrained, but from those in which it