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ration of fame and virtue is an harfh divorce. Liberty is in danger of being made unpopular to Englishmen. Contending for an imaginary power, we begin to acquire the fpirit of domination, and to lose the relifh of honeft equality. The principles. of our forefathers become fufpected to us, because we fee them animating the present oppofition of our children. The faults which grow out of the luxuriance of freedom, appear much more fhocking to us, than the base vices which are generated from the ranknefs of fervitude. Accordingly the leaft refiftance to power appears more inexcufable in our eyes than the greatest abuses of authority. All dread of a standing military force is looked upon as a fuperftitious panick. All shame of calling in foreigners and favages in a civil contest is worn off. We grow indifferent to the confequences inevitable to ourselves from the plan of ruling half the empire by a mercenary fword. We are taught to believe that a defire of domineering over our countrymen is love to our country; that those who hate civil war abet rebellion, and that the amiable and conciliatory virtues of lenity, moderation, and tenderness to the privileges of those who depend on this kingdom are a fort of treason to the ftate.

It is impoffible that we should remain long in a fituation, which breeds fuch notions and difpofi

fions, without fome great alteration in the national character. Thofe ingenuous and feeling minds who are so fortified against all other things, and fo unarmed to whatever approaches in the fhape of difgrace, finding these principles, which they confidered as fure means of honour, to be grown into difrepute, will retire disheartened and disgusted. Those of a more robust make, the bold, able, ambitious men, who pay fome of their court to power through the people, and fubftitute the voice of tranfient opinion in the place of true glory, will give into the general mode; and thofe fuperiour understandings which ought to correct vulgar prejudice, will confirm and aggravate its errours. Many things have been long operating towards a gradual change in our principles. But this American war has done more in a very few years than all the other caufes could have effected in a century. It is therefore not on its own separate account, but because of its attendant circumftances, that I confider its continuance, or its ending in any way but that of an honourable and li beral accommodation, as the greatest evils which can befal us. For that reafon I have troubled you with this long letter. For that reafon I intreat you again and again, neither to be perfuaded, fhamed, or frighted out of the principles that have hitherto led fo many of you to abhor the

war,

war, its caufe, and its confequences. Let us not be amongst the first who renounce the maxims of our forefathers.

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P. S. You may communicate this letter in any think proper to my constituents.

manner you

TWO

TWO LETTERS

FROM

MR. BURKE,

ΤΟ

GENTLEMEN IN THE CITY OF BRISTOL,

ON THE

BILLS DEPENDING IN PARLIAMENT

RELATIVE TO THE

TRADE OF IRELAND.

1778.

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