hear often repeated, we should hope will never be suffered to pass without the refutation which it merits. Lastly, we flatter ourselves with something like a hope, that even this cajoling, this manifest quizzing, for that such was the intention of the reviewer, we are as sure as if we had' actually seen the smile upon his lips, when he wrote the gracious words "honest and enlightened ;”—we trust that even this may serve to open his Royal Highness's eyes; and that, like the ancient Roman, he will be distrustful of such compliments, and ask, "what foolish thing have I done, that I should be applauded by this people?" With the Edinburgh Review, in some degree, sympathizes the Evangelical Magazine; the only publication which we have met with that does so. It is however much more moderate in its panegyrick; and seems to have been chiefly attracted by what is said of the identity of our absolution with that of the Church of Rome: an assertion not supported by the document. (imperfect as we believe it to be) adduced in the appendix ;--an unfounded charge, which has been sufficiently confuted by others.* Upon the whole, we really do not despair of having the satisfaction to find his Royal Highness, when the Question shall next be agitated, shew, at least by his vote, that he is come to a better mind; and that he listens to other counsellors than those who have laboured to disgrace him by affixing his name to such a miserable production as this. We could have gone ou much longer in our criticism, for in truth every page abounds with exceptionable matter. But this, we trust, will amply suffice. We shall only add, that if our conjecture be right as to the real author of this compilation, it will afford a proof, to such of our readers as need it, of the consummate art with which the efficient members of the Church of Rome (we mean particularly their priests) contrive to get a footing where we should least expect to find them and not unfrequently by dint of unremitting perseverance, succeed in attaining the highest situations, and establishing themselves on the very steps of the throne. † See Le Mesurier's Sequel to the Serious Examination, p. 53, &c., his Reply to Dr. Milner's Observations, p. 89, &c., and the Supplement to the Reply, p. 24. That this would be attempted was, very early in the discussion, foretold in several of the tracts issued from the press of our publisher, who was then made a butt for the shafts of ignorant ridicule, in consequence. VOL. I. [Prot. Adv. Jan. 1813.] 2 C The Necessity of Protestant Ptitions against Popish Claims. J. J. Stockdale, London. "I hear a Lion in the Lolby roar ; Say, Mr. Speaker, shall we shut the door To try if we can turn him out again ? " Debates on the Exclusion Bill. AFTER What we have advanced in the opening article of this number of the PROTESTANT ADVOCATE, our readers may easily judge how completely we sympathize with the author of this little tract. It is intended for dispersion; it is printed in a cheap form, and the title-page tells us that its price is only sixpence, or five shillings per dozen. We heartily wish that a truss of many dozens were sent to every Corporation in the Kingdom. Beside the immediate subject of the pamphlet, the public will find in it a great deal of most useful information respecting the Popish claims, in general; well worthy the attention of all classes of people. The author informs us of the perilous predicament in which we stand at present. The moment, (says he,) seems to be fast approaching, when the claims of Popery, if not opposed by the voice of the nation, will receive the sanction of a British Parliament. Soon after the assassination of Mr. Perceval, who was a most strenuous opposer of those claims, the following resolution was passed by the House of Commons: "That the house will, early in the next session of Parliament, take into its most serious consideration the state of the laws affecting His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Protestant Establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of His Majesty's subjects." A similar resolution was rejected in the House of Lords only by a majority of one. Since the late dissolution of Parliament, indeed, the above resolution is no longer in force. The newly-elected House of Commons is in no respect bound by it; but it cannot be denied that the passing of such a resolution by one House, and so near an approach to a similar resolve in the other, are circumstances which the Roman Catholics may consider as omens of a most favonrable and encouraging nature. The author then, very judiciously, proceeds to shew how the main substance of the resolution is qualified by subsequent ex pressions, and guarded by certain conditions; viz. that the proposed adjustment must be such as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Pro→ testant Establishment, and to the satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects." How can these conditions be fulfilled? How can such a desirable consummation be effected? The Papists have avowed that they will subscribe to no conditions. They will accept of nothing short of the absolute removal of all remaining disabilitics. They expect every thing to be conceded to them; and offer nothing to allay the fears of the Protestants. And who shall call them vain fears? knowing what has heretofore happened; knowing that the Romish Religion continues unaltered—semper eadem! Like effects must needs flow from like causes. The Papists, had they the ascendancy, would not allow the Protestants the exercise of their religion; they never will tolerate those whom they affirm to be destitute of salvation. How can Man shew favour to that which he asserts can ouly deserve, and must be obnoxious to, the wrath of God? the Papists, our author, justly says, Have been allowed the fuli benefit of religious toleration.-They enjoy perfect freedom of conscience, and of worship.-They have been admitted to very important civil privileges:-but to satisfy them, all restrictions whatever must be done away. And they must be admitted to equal participation, upon equal terms, with Protestants themselves. It may, indeed, be reasonably doubted, whether the concession even of their actual claims would afford satisfaction to the Papists. Experience has proved, that it is possible to grant, and even to exceed, their utmost de mands, without producing that effect. This was the case in the year 1793, when solemnly disclaiming all views to what is called complete emancipation; that is to say, what they now seek :-they specified the objects which comprised all their wishes, and with the attainment of which they declared they should be satisfied the principal of which was a very limited grant of the elective franchise. They obtained more than they asked. They received the enormous boon of the elective franchise, without any qualification whatever; and the result has been the reverse of satisfaction. Every concession made to them, has been converted into a ground for fresh demands. In like manner, it is possible they may be restless and discontented, even though all they now ask should be conceded to them. They may even be encouraged by the pos session of political power, to aspire, in Ireland, to an exemption from the payment of tithes to a Protestant Church-to the recovery of the forfeited estates, and even to the ascendancy of their own religion:objects which are known to be near their hearts; and for the attainment of which, it is natural to expect, that whatever power may be put into their hands will be employed. If there yet be any Protestants so weak as to plead their cause, let them attend to historical facts, fearless of the denunciations fulminated by Mr. Canning against the Author of "An Awful Warning" at least, if they refuse to listen to arto argument. We will not say, that the author of this tract shews himself to have studied carefully the human mind, in pointing out the possibility (he might have added probability) that the Papists may rise in their demands, when they have gotten all that they now claim; but we will shew that his argument has the confirmation of fact; and we are fully persuaded that the Ro manists will never be satisfied, till that which was attempted in 1641 and 1642, be fully attained. We here insert a paper (from the Dublin Journal, of November 17th) which speaks volumes. "It is too much the fashion of the present day to blame the conduct of the present and past Governments of the country for their treatment of the Catholics. Those who thus inconsiderately censure measures which have afforded them protection for so long a period, should read the history of past times with attention, and bear in recollection that it is the peculiar characteristic of a Roman Catholic to remain unchanged in every age. The following extracts from pamphlets published 1642 and 3, will shew what they have been, while the intemperate language which some of that party use at this present day indicates that the same spirit, in a degree at least, lives in them. In 1641 the whole body of Irish Catholics confederated in rebellion, and presented the following demands to the State and Council of Dublin :"We, in the name of the Nobility, Gentry, and Commonality of Ireland, before God and all the world, as most reasonable in the sight of all good men, we the above-written do require of the Crown of England, and that Crown Ministry of State that do officiate in this kingdom : "because, as good Christians, we ought, in the first place, to have the chief care of our souls:-we, therefore, the Earls, Barons, and Gentlemen under-written, do demand the full, free, open, general, and uncontrolled profession of the ancient and only true Roman Catholic religion in this ancient kingdom and dominion of Ireland. "Knowing that we cannot enjoy our religion, and the public profes sion of it in an universal national way, as by us is meant, except we may likewise have our churches, oracles, and covenant temples, and chappels: we therefore demand all our churches, chappels, oracles, temples, as well private parishes as general and city cathedrals, to be given up to our use, the native inhabitants of this kingdome." "Seeing that our religion cannot be enjoyed or exercised but by men of learning and abilities fitted for that purpose, we therefore demand restauration of all religious houses, whether abbeys, priories. monasteries, or ancient universities, their ancient lands and demesnes, and that all lands and livings be restored unto those owners, if yet living, or to their undoubted heirs, and very nearest of kin, that were taken away in Queen Elizabeth or King James's time." These demands were actually enforced by the Council of Kilkenny, 1642, which issued the following order, to which all the Popish Bishops set their names: “Item, it is ordered and established, that the possession of Protestant Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, Dignitaries, and Parsons, in right of their respective churches, or their tenements, in the beginning of these troubles, shall be deemed, taken, and construed as the then possessions of the Catholic Archbishops Deanes, Dignitaries, Pastors and their tenements respectively, to all intents and purposes, and that these possessions are intended within the precedent order of settlement of possessions." It must be observed, that the Roman Catholics of the present day demand no more than the profession of their religion in an universal and national way; and it is not possible to guard against any future generation of Catholics, provided they should be inclined to put the same construction upon these words as those of 1642 have done, even supposing the present race of men incapable of adopting this sense: yet the Protestant Church can have no SECURITY that the public profession of the Roman Catholic Religion, in an universal and national way, might not hereafter be construed to mean that which it meant in 1642, particularly as that was the sense in which it was used by the Irish Church, which, as a Catholic body, never errs or changes. The horrible massacre which took place in Ireland has been sometimes extenuated by attributing it to the passions of the lower orders. But the article here quoted is the deliberate act of the chief men and chief priests in the kingdom, who established in this Council of Kilkenny at this time the most complete military and ecclesiastical despotism that ever existed. Charles the First unfortunately signed a treaty with this party, and took their soldiers into his pay, and then (but not before) our Parliament, alarmed at this coalition so unnatural, joined the Scotch Parliament, and signed the solemn league and covenant, which otherwise it never would have done. After a very long negociation Charles signed |