in so important a moment, to the sense of my people. I have a just and confident reliance, that you are animated with the same sentiments of loyalty, and the same attachment to our excellent constitution, which I have had the happiness to see so fully manifested in every part of the kingdom. The happy effects of such a disposition will, I doubt not, appear in the temper and wisdom of your deliberations, and in the dispatch of the important objects of public business which demand your attention. It will afford me peculiar pleasure to find, that the exercise of the power entrusted to me by the constitution, has been productive of consequences so beneficial to my subjests, whose interests and welfare are always nearest my heart.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; I have ordered the estimates for the current year to be laid before you; and I trust to your zeal and affection to make such provisions for their farther supply, and for the application of the sums granted in the last parliament, as may appear to be necessary. I sincerely lament every addition to the burthens of my

invalid is qualified to hoist a white flag, or to deliver up the keys of the fortress on his knees.

"The gentlemen chosen into this parliament, for the purpose of this surrender, were bred to better things; and are no doubt qualified for other service. But for this strenuous exertion of inactivity, for the vigorous task of submission and passive obedience, all their learning and ability are rather a matter of personal ornament to themselves, than of the least use in the performance of their duty.

"The present surrender, therefore, of rights and privileges, without examination, and the resolution to support any minister given by the secret advisers of the crown, determines not only on all the power and authority of the House, but it settles the character and description of the men who are to compose it; and perpetuates that character as long as it may be thought expedient to keep up a phantom of popular representation.

"It is for the chance of some amendment before this new settlement takes a permanent form, and while the matter is yet soft and ductile, that the editor has republished this piece, and added some notes and explanations to it. His intentions, he hopes, will excuse him to the original mover, and to the world. He acts from a strong sense of the incurable ill effects of holding out the conduct of the late House of Commons as an example to be shunned by future representatives of the people."

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people; but they will, I am persuaded, feel the necessity, after a long and expensive war, of effectually providing for the maintenance of the national faith and our public credit, so essential to the power and prosperity of the state.

"My Lords and Gentlemen; the a'arming progress of frauds in the revenue, accompanied in so many instances with violence, will not fail on every account to excite your attention. I must, at the same time recommend to your most serious consideration, to frame such commercial regulations as may appear immediately necessary in the present moment. The affairs of the East India Company form an object of deliberation deeply. connected with the general interests of the country. While you feel a just anxiety to provide for the good government of our possessions in that part of the world, you will, I trust, never lose sight of the effect which any measure to be adopted for that purpose may have on our own constitution, and our dearest interests at home. You will find me always desirous to concur with you in such measures as may be of lasting benefit to my people: I have no wish but to consult their prosperity, by a constant attention to every object of national concern, by a uniform adherence to the true principles of our free constitution, and by supporting and maintaining, in their just balance, the rights and privileges of every branch of the legislature."

The following Address of Thanks in answer to the above speech was moved by Mr. Hamilton (afterwards Marquis of Abercorn), and seconded by Sir William Molesworth:

"Most gracious sovereign;

"We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious speech from the throne.

"We beg your majesty will be assured, that we are animated with the warmest sentiments of loyalty, and an inviolable attachment to our excellent constitution, which are, we trust, inseparably united in the hearts of your faithful subjects.

"We acknowledge, with the warmest gratitude and satis faction, your majesty's wisdom and goodness in recurring, at so important a moment, to the sense of your people; and we trust that so seasonable an exercise of the power entrusted to your

majesty by the constitution, will not fail to be attended by the most happy and beneficial effects.

"Your majesty may be assured that your faithful Commons will be ready to take proper measures for the application of the sums voted in the last parliament, and to grant such further supplies as may appear to be necessary; having the fullest confidence that all your majesty's subjects will, from loyalty to your majesty and zeal for the interests of the country, be ready to support those heavy burthens which, in consequence of a long and expensive war, are now unavoidable; and that they will be sensible of the necessity of effectually providing for the maintenance of the national faith and the public credit, so essential to the power and prosperity of the state.

"We also beg leave to assure your majesty, that we shall apply our utmost attention to the means of preventing the increasing frauds in the revenue: that we shall take into our most serious consideration such commercial regulations as the present situation may immediately require.

"That, in our deliberations on the affairs of the East India Company, so deeply connected with the general interests of the country, we shall be truly anxious to provide for the good ⚫ government of our possessions in that part of the world.

"That we shall be careful never to lose sight of the effects which any measure to be adopted for the purpose may have on our excellent constitution and our dearest interests at home; and that we are deeply penetrated with the gracious and pa rental expressions of your majesty's affection and goodness to your people, and have the most dutiful reliance on your majesty's royal attention to every object of national concern, and to the true principles of our free constitution, which can only be secured by maintaining, in their just balance, the rights and privileges of every branch of the legislature."

The strong expression inserted in the Address of satisfaction and gratitude to his majesty for having dissolved the late parliament, occasioned a short debate. The necessity of having recourse to that measure, in order to settle a firm and constitutional administration, was strenuously urged on the one side; and on the other, this necessity was as strenuously denied, unless it could be proved, that the existence of the present administration was indispensably necessary either to the safety or the constitution of the country. With respect to the sense

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peared to be decisively some of those members, part with Mr. Pitt in the representation in parliament, could pretend that the genuine collected in the new elections, ...d the necessity of a reformation, at the people, as the law then stood, do with them. An amendment was such parts of the address as related to points, but was rejected by a majority of May,

rose and said, he wished to offer a few subject well worthy the attention of the parliament had been assembled under cirso new and extraordinary, that if ever there when it behoved men to look about them, and www themselves and their characters, this was the time. highly necessary that they should know precisely the are of the ground they trod, and the sort of law that was to govern their future conduct within those walls. His majesty's speech from the throne at the opening of the session, and the address voted upon it, although couched in pretty general terms, and holding a language far from objectionable in the abstract, involved a variety of weighty and important matters, that called for as serious and deliberate a discussion as any subjects that ever had been submitted to the consideration of any parliament. Meaning, therefore, at some future day, to bring them before the House, in such a manner as should challenge their maturest attention, he rose then in fairness and candour to declare that such was his design, in order that gentlemen might have sufficient time to consider the topics touched upon in his majesty's speech, and to weigh their import and tendency with that degree of examination and reflection that their magnitude merited. The points which the Speech and the Address of the House principally held out, were three: the first, the dissolution of the late parliament, for which

the House had thanked his majesty. Undoubtedly, to dissolve a parliament was a legal exercise of the prerogative, and prima facie a right thing. It was, therefore, proper to thank his majesty for doing what appeared prima facie to be right; but there might be circumstances (he was not then saying that there were, because that was not the fit moment for the discussion,) which might prove, that what was prima facie right, was altogether unjustifiable, and a most violent and unwarrantable exercise of power as ever was put in practice. The second point the Speech and Address went to, was the mention of what had been done in relation to the East India Company; and this commemoration carried along with it a strong insinuation, that something unconstitutional had been attempted on that head in the last parliament. This commemoration, therefore, was commemoratio quasi exprobatio, and called for consideration and inquiry, since it regarded the conduct of parliaments in general, and it being highly necessary that the House should know how far they might safely proceed in future respecting the sort of bills that might or might not be introduced without subjecting a House of Commons to the reprehension of having acted unconstitutionally. Bills and proceedings might, he observed, be instituted, and held in progress, which, as bills and proceedings merely, might be liable to the imputation of being unconstitutional, because it was the completion they received, and the sanction and fiat of the whole legislature, that changed them from bills and proceedings to acts of parliament, and made them constitutional; it was, therefore, a very nice question how they could proceed safely, to avoid the reprehension of having acted unconstitutionally, in respect to their bills; because, as the matter stood, unexplained and obscure, every bill they passed that did receive the sanction and support of either of the other branches of the legislature, might subject that House to the imputation of having acted unconstitutionally. The third great point in the Speech was to be found at the conclusion, where it was recommended to the House to take especial care to guard