proceeding, with other exceptionable ones, is cordially commended. Even the partition of Poland, a measure unjustifiable in every view, is paffed over as a political defign; and Dr. Gillies is more eager to point out the advantages than to cenfure the iniquity of the attempt. But, as we have formerly given a short abftra&t of the Memoirs of Frederick, from the Hiftory of his own Period, we fhall rather attend to that part which is more certainly original: we mean the Parallel between Frederick and Philip of Macedon.

Each was undoubtedly confined to a narrow fpot environed with powerful neighbours, obliged to truft to his own exertions, for defence or conqueft: each attempted conquests, and fucceeded; for each was original, enterprizing, and inventive; each was brave, able, and polite. Philip excelled in eloquence; Frederick in dexterous negociation: Philip, as well as Frederick, knew how to conceal his measures and designs till the storm was ready to burst. The Macedonian and the German were alike favoured by circumftances, by the corruption, the effeminacy, and the divifions of the neighbouring states against whom their forces were directed; and were alike able to employ, what we have called the most powerful defpotism, the influence of strong minds over weak ones. Yet here perhaps the parallel ends. Philip was artful and unprincipled, perfidious and unjuft. Frederick kept every engagement which he entered into fcrupulously: his word was the fecureft bond, which he was never known to violate. His attempt on Silefia had the appearance, we think more than the appearance, of juftice his divifion of Poland we have ftyled, and it certainly was, unjuftifiable. The politician may pretend, that while this devoted kingdom was protected by one power, and preyed on by another, it could call nothing its own; for, in modern politics, a protector and a conqueror differ but in terms. This apology cannot, however, fatisfy the moralift, who judges by a ftricter code than that which the politician employs.

We have given the outline of the Parallel, nearly according to the fentiments of Dr. Gillies, who does not point out the contraft in a moral view. Perhaps he confidered Frederick's unprovoked attacks on Auftria, and his infidious conduct refpecting Poland, as fufficient compenfations for all the injuftice, all the perfidy of Philip. We must, however, fully agree with Dr. Gillies in the following paffage :

The parallel here drawn is remarkable, not only for the exactness of its correfpondence, but for the greatnefs of its extent. Between great generals and great statesmen, it is eafy to find a refemblance; and the ambition of one prince is often the ambition of

another.

another. But to compare Philip and Frederick, is to delineate two men, whofe individual characters would fupply copious materials for a large volume of illu@rious lives. Directing the minute induftry of his peafants, and directing the operations of the fiege of Schweidnitz, refuting the fyftem of nature, and repelling marefchal Daun, compofing the preface to the Henriade, and setling the peace of Germany ;-Frederick engaged in thefe and many other feemingly incompatible occupations, appears rather a creature of fancy than a real existence, not one man, but an epitome of human induftry. By the confeffion of Demofthenes, who furely wifhed not to exalt the merit of Philip, it required the gracefulness of Ariftodemus, the wit of Philocrates, and, as he filently infinuates, his own eloquence, to form a parallel to the Macedonian prince. Yet how many accompliments of that prince fill remained untold, to which none of thofe celebrated Athenians could lay claim? His invincible fortitude, his unremitting vigilance, his unalterable prefence of mind am dft the greatest difficulties and dangers; in one word, that great and complex art, the art likewise of Frederick, of converting a barbarous and despised district into a powerful and refpected kingdom. The parallel between the ancient and modern monarch is the more deferving therefore of attention, on account of the unexampled variety of circumstances of which it confifts; and this variety again, confidered abstractedly, forms itself the most interesting link in the whole chain of comparifon.'

We shall transcribe but one other paragraph:

Eager to promote the advancement of thofe arts which embellifh focial life and fecure the immortal renown of princes by whom they are honoured, both Philip and Frederick discovered, perhaps with too little refpect for the public opinion, an ineffable difdain for thofe doubtful yet prefumptuous fciences, which often change their principles, but never vary their ob ject; which continually alter in form, but ever improve in fubftance; and which the artifices of their profeffors, and the ftupidity of the million, perpetuate from one age to another, always flattering hope, and always difappointing expectation. The quackery of phyfic, the chicane of law, the gro's delufions of popular fuperftition, were continual themes of ridicule with the Pruffian monarch, who, though he appeared as the champion of the proteftant caufe against the bigotry of the houfe of Auftria, as Philip had been appointed the minister of Apollo's vengeance against the impious Phocians, yet despired as much as did the Macedonian prince, the coarfe engines with which he condefcended to operate on vulgar credulity. Of his reign throughout, it was the invariable aim to fimplify the principles, and abridge the proceedings, of law; and notwithitanding the perverfenefs of his education, and the contagious company of French infidels, he fill admired the modeft yet

fublime

fublime genius of primitive Christianity, and laboured to diminifh the influence of prieftcraft, its worst enemy.'

We must conclude with again recommending Dr. Gillies' work. His plan is clear, his descriptions perfpicuous, and his reflections judicious. This volume is a pleafing manual, which will enable the readers to perufe the king's own works with pleasure, and to return to them with advantage.

The Aggrandifement and National Perfection of Great Britain; An bumble Propofal, comprehending, under one fimple and practicable Undertaking, without laying additional Burdens upon the Subject, the Means of paying off the Public Debt of Great Britain within the Space of Thirty Years. By George Edwards, Efq. M.D. 2 Vols. 4to. 4to. 17. 55. Debrett.

THE

'HE fubject of this work is of a nature fo arduous and complicated, that, had the author taken only a general view of the means which he propofes for the aggrandifement of Great Britain, he would have performed a great undertaking: but we find him defcending into a copious detail of his extenfive fyftem, and indeed with fuch a minuteness as would far exceed the limits of a Review, to trace with any adequate precision. We must therefore confine ourselves to giving the outlines of his propofal; but not without acknowledging the extraordinary attention, and almoft enthufiaftic zeal, with which he has profecuted the fubject.

From the opinion which Dr. Edwards expreffes of the deplorable ftate of the nation, we should imagine that he hed formed his estimate about the clofe of the American war, when public affairs, undoubtedly, bore a very gloomy appearance. But, though that juncture may have afforded the first hint of his fentiments, he seems not to have retracted them at a later period, even while he acknowledges, as he does very explicitly, the falutary effects of feveral measures purfued by the prefent adminiftration. Some readers may perhaps think, that the author has induftriously reprefented the fituation of Great Britain as highly unfavourable, with the view of rendering his own propofals more important and ufeful. The fact, however, feems to be, that he has, in fome cafes, been led into thofe fentiments by comparing the state of the nation with the ftandard of political and moral perfection, as exifting in his

own mind.

The first object of this author's propofals is the establishment of a general police, to be extended through the kingdom. The following extract will give our readers fome idea

of his plan, in the delineation of which a great part of the work is employed.

I propofe under the following divifions:

A. That in the first place a diftribution of the kingdom, fhall take place into districts of convenient dimenfions, which we fhall fuppofe in general to contain one hundred fquare miles, or to be, to fpeak in general terms, ten miles long, and ten broad in order that each district of the kingdom, and thus, collectively the whole kingdom may be properly attended to, and directed under the management of a wife and adequate police; may according to their different capacities be in every refpect meliorated, cultivated and improved, rendered rich and profperous, fertile and productive, and made to contribute according to their abilities and powers to augment the strength, natural resources, fplendour, and honour of the kingdom; and permit the revenue to be raised by more advantageous ways and means for the public, and lefs oppreffive for private individuals; and be the means of establishing and accomplishing a more mo ralized fociety, greater public happiness, and the national perfection; fo far as human abilities can operate, fo far as created nature will receive and permit fuitable exertions to be made for thefe purpofes upon a folid bafis.

B. That a proper perfon, whom I propofe to call the diftrict steward, fhall with proper aflistance act on behalf of each district, into which the kingdom may be diftributed, in the manner, and for accomplishing the ends and purposes above mentioned under letter A. That as an agent he hall direct and manage his refpective district, fo as by the most effectual methods to ferve and promote its interefts and thofe of the public; whether by executing fuch butinefs as the determination of parliament has already or may hereafter enjoin the police to perform, whether by inducing the inhabitants of the police fpontaneoufly to attend to what is their own advantage and to pro mote their own interes, or by making proper reports to the board of civilization toon to be explained of what is injurious or beneficial to the district or any part therof, in which he is placed, and by this means giving ufeful information to perfons of fuperior ability, power, and wifdom, in order that they may lay the contents of it before the parliament, if this be neceffary. That he fhall be appointed in a proper manner, fo as not to affect the interefis, rights, and privileges of either the crown or people, as will be hereafter confidered. That he fhall be stationary in the center or the most interefling part of his district; and that as bulinefs may require, he fhall have fufficient affittance.

That a fuperior diftrict fleward to to be called, fhall be appointed as a fuperintendant over fuch a number of districts and dibict thewards, as he can attend to, for the purpose of obferving, that the latter difcharge their duties in a frict manne

attend properly to the interests of their feveral respective dif tricts, and promote the general views of the propofed police.

C. That the inhabitants in general of the diftrict, who come within the rank or characters of gentlemen in any respect, being qualified by the poffeffion of a certain property, and by other denominations hereafter to be confidered; and whom I propose to be styled district check commiffioners, fhall be incorporated as a part of my police for the following purposes; to infpect the flate, advantages, and defects of their refpective dif tricts; to promote, or allift in carrying into effect, all fuch measures as parliament may direct to be executed by the police; to obferve in what manner the district fteward executes the bufinefs entrusted to him, his demeanour, and behaviour; and how in general he difcharges his duty, whether faithfully, adequately, and effectually, or contrariwife, to the truft repofed in him; and in a particular manner to infpect his attendances, entries, and accounts, fo far as it may be proper and anfwer a good purpose: to prove a regular and unintermitted inftigation and controul upon the fteward, and all other officers and members of the police within the diftrict, inftigating them to difcharge their respective duties in the most laudable manner, and being fo certain a controul as to prevent them from neglecting or abusing them; to correfpond and communicate with the board of civilization, hereafter to be explained by a regular channel of information, and tranfmit to it an account of whatever may serve the interefts of the districts; and as fo good a purpofe must be on various occafions, anfwered by their having the infpection and controul over the accounts of the diftrict stewards, by means of committees, and general meetings, to approve of and fign them before they are tranfmitted to the board, but to refufe where they obferve objections, and report these to the board; and in fine, to be very ftrenuous in difcharging this part of their duty, and taking proper meafures in every respect to serve their particular district and their country.'

We have already intimated, that the extreme minuteness of the author's arrangements must neceffarily preclude any obfervations; which, we truft, it will be evident, would be lefs fuperfluous than uninterefting. Let us then follow him. to the next object of his political fpeculation. This relates to the maintenance of the poor; concerning which, Mr. Edwards, very juftly, condemns almost the whole of the prefent establishment. He propofes that this part of the national police fhould undergo a thorough reformation, according to a plan which he defcribes; and affirms, what we have no hefitation in believing to be well founded, that a million fterling might be annually faved to the nation by fuch a reform. This furplus, the author propofes, fhould be applied to the difcharge of the public debt; for the more fpeedy liquidation

of