formed the siege. The army of King Ferdinand was sent to help them, and entered the States of the Church at Terracina; but, on May 11, Garibaldi defeated it at Palestrina. Nevertheless the city was in great danger, and the government treated with the French envoy, M. Lesseps, who had come with full powers. A truce was made, and it seemed likely that in the end the French army would be withdrawn. But General Oudinot declared that the envoy had gone beyond his powers, and, on June 2, attacked the Trastevere at the gate of San Pancrazio. For nearly four weeks the citizens of Rome and the volunteers of Garibaldi fought for their city. On the night of the 30th a great assault was made, and on July 2d the gates were opened. The papal government was again declared, and a French garrison was placed in Rome. Garibaldi and Mazzini escaped in safety. The pope was not brought back until April, 1850. He was quite changed; he now rested on the French garrison, he was guided by the Jesuits, and he kept his city under martial law for seven years.

After the defeat of Charles Albert the Austrians besieged Venice. The people under their dictator, Daniele Manin, defended the city bravely. The inhabitants of the Cannaregio, which was chiefly exposed to the cannon, left their houses and took shelter round St. Mark's. The Venetians raised new defences, and launched floating batteries against the lines of the enemy. The siege lasted until August 22, 1849, and then the Venetians were forced to surrender, for they were brought to great straits. The grand duke of Tuscany, and the dukes of Modena and Parma, returned to their dominions some months earlier. Thus, by the close of the summer, the Italian insurrection was crushed. The moderate and the democratic parties had both failed, but the struggle was not without its fruits. From this time onwards no Italian statesman believed in the scheme of Federalism. The old Federalists now sought for Italian freedom and union through the House of Savoy. But the greatest result was that Mazzini and his party had made their countrymen believe that the freedom and union of Italy were possible. The defenders of Rome and Venice were not kings or nobles, but men of the people, lawyers and poets, clerks and tradesThese were the men who kept the armies of France and Austria so long vainly waiting before the

men.

gates of their cities. From this time forward the Italians began to hope. The leaders of the democratic party often perplexed the statesmen who worked for Italian freedom, but without them the work would never have been begun, and, unless they had continually urged it on, it would have been left half done.

From the wars of 1848-9 the king of Sardinia was looked upon by the moderate party as the champion of Italian freedom. Charles Albert had failed: yet his son would not, and indeed could not, go back, though, when he began his reign, there were many things against him. As soon as the Genoese heard of the defeat of Novara, they rose against the government. They had only belonged to the kingdom since the Treaty of Vienna, and when they saw the democrats of Rome and Venice fighting for their cities, they hoped that the time was come for them to regain their old republican independence. The revolt was quickly put down by the king's general, Alfonso della Marmora. The army of Sardinia was disorganized, the moderate party was cast down, the Austrians were triumphant, and the democrats were as yet the only successful party in Italy. Nevertheless King Victor Emmanuel did not despair. He was forced first of all to make terms with Radetzky, and England and France persuaded the Austrian emperor to withdraw his troops from Piedmont.

At first people distrusted the new king, for he had been harsh and stern, and both his mother and his wife were Austrians. Great efforts were made to win him over to the Austrian party, but the king was neither cast down by defeat and distrust nor won over by soft words. He soon showed that, though he had been forced to make a treaty with Austria, yet he would not cast in his lot with the oppression of Italy. He made Massimo d'Azeglio his chief minister, and Camillo Benso di Cavour his minister of commerce. With the help of these two men he honestly carried out the reforms which had been granted by his father, and set new ones on foot. No country, save the Papal States, was so weighed down by priests as Piedmont. The Jesuits were driven out in 1848, but there still remained 23,000 ecclesiastics in the Sardinian Kingdom who used their wealth and influence to hinder reform. The pope was now thoroughly in the hands of the Austrians, and so there was no hope of winning over

the clergy to the national cause. It became necessary therefore to weaken their power. The first step towards this was made in 1850 by the Siccardi Law, so called from a statesman of that name. This law did away with the ecclesiastical courts and privileges. It was soon followed by a law which forbade corporations to buy or receive landed property. In 1854 a bill was carried which gave the government power to abolish monastic bodies. Meanwhile the Piedmontese enjoyed a constitutional government, a free press, and a large share of religious liberty. The king steadily kept his word to all parties, and won for himself the honorable nickname of Il Re - Galantuomo (the honest king), while the rigid Catholics abhorred him. The quick progress of reform frightened Count Massimo d'Azeglio. He retired from office in 1853, and his place was taken by Count Cavour.

The Sardinian army had been brought into good order by Alfonso della Marmora; and was ready for action. In 1855, Sardinia made alliance with England and France, who were at war with Russia; for Cavour looked on that power as the great support of the system of despotism on the Continent, and held that it was necessary for Italian freedom that Russia should be humbled. The Sardinian army was therefore sent to the Crimea, under La Marmora, where it did good service in the battle of Tchernaya. In the August of the same year, the allied powers remonstrated in vain with King Ferdinand. The next year the Congress of Paris was held to arrange terms of peace between the allies and Russia, and Cavour took the opportunity of laying before the representatives of the European powers the unhappy state of his countrymen under King Ferdinand and the pope. The government of England and France in vain tried to persuade the king to rule better, and at length the dispute became so serious that their ambassadors were withdrawn from Naples.

In December, 1851, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, the president of the French Republic, seized the government, and the next year took the title of Emperor of the French. He was anxious to weaken the power of Austria, and at the beginning of 1859 it became evident that war would soon break out. As a sign of the friendly feeling of the French emperor towards the Italian cause, his cousin, Napoleon Joseph, married Clotilda, the daughter of Vic

tor Emmanuel. Count Cavour now declared that Sardinia would make war on Austria, unless a separate and national government was granted to Lombardy and Venetia, and unless Austria promised to meddle no more with the rest of Italy. On the other hand, Austria demanded the disarmament of Sardinia. The king would not listen to this demand, and France and Sardinia declared war against Austria. The emperor Napoleon declared that he would free Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic. Just as the war began a revolt was made in Tuscany against the grand duke, and he was forced to fly, and a few days afterwards the duchess regent of Parma had to leave her capital.

When,

The Austrian army crossed the Ticino, but was defeated by the king and General Cialdini. The French victory of Magenta, on June 4th, forced the Austrians to retreat from Lombardy. The duke of Modena thus lost his support, and was forced to fly. On June 24th the Austrians, who had crossed the Mincio were defeated at Solferino by the allied armies of France and Sardinia. It seemed as though the French emperor would keep his word. But he found that if he went further, Prussia would take up the cause of Austria, and that he would have to fight on the Rhine as well as on the Adige. therefore, the French army came before Verona, a meeting was arranged between the two emperors. This took place at Villafranca, and there Bonaparte, without consulting his ally, agreed with Francis Joseph to favor the establishment of an Italian Confederation. Austria gave up to the king of Sardinia Lombardy to the west of the Mincio. But the grand duke of Tuscany and the duke of Modena were to return to their States. The proposed Confederation was never made, for the people of Tuscany, Modena, Parma, and Romagna sent to the king to pray that they might be made part of his kingdom, and Victor Emmanuel refused to enter on the scheme of the French emperor.

In return for allowing the Italians of Central Italy to shake off the yoke, Bonaparte asked for Savoy and Nizza. The annexation of these two provinces would, he said, give France "a guarantee indicated by Nature herself." The possession of Savoy was a check on Italian progress, and in a military point of view was highly dangerous. And now the Piedmontese monarchs had become thoroughly Italian; they no longer wanted territory on the other side of

the Alps. The king therefore consented to give up the "glorious cradle of his monarchy" in exchange for Central Italy. In March, 1860, Tuscany, Modena, Parma, and Romagna, by a general vote of the people, became subject to the king of Sardinia. On the loss of Romagna the pope pronounced the greater form of excommunication against the invaders and usurpers of the Papal States, but without mentioning any one by name. The next month

the people of Savoy and Nizza were joined on to France by the form of a popular vote. Thus the last remains of the Burgundian territories of the Count of Savoy were joined on to France. It had been agreed at the Treaty of Vienna that these provinces should always be kept neutral, and it had been long understood that, if at any time they were parted from Piedmont, they were to be added to Switzerland. Their annexation by France therefore roused indignation amongst the European powers, but none of them eared to make it a cause of war.

Ferdinand II. reigned over Naples and Sicily with stern tyranny. He kept his people quiet by the sheer terror which his cruelty excited. He had bombarded Messina and Palermo, he had had his people shot down in the streets of Naples, and had thus won for himself the nickname of King Bomba. He filled his prisons with political offenders, and these prisons were loathsome dungeons. Amongst the most illustrious of his victims was Baron Carlo Poerio. England and other foreign powers remonstrated in vain with the king. Each year many of his subjects fled from his tyranny, and for the most part found a refuge in Piedmont. Baron Poerio, as he was being transported to America, managed to land in Ireland, and thence went to join the refugees in Turin. From their place of shelter the Neapolitan exiles taught their fellow-countrymen to look to Piedmont for deliverance; and the union of Lombardy and Central Italy made them feel that the freedom and union of Italy was perhaps not far off. In 1859 King Ferdinand died, and was succeeded by his son, Francis II.

In March, 1860, the foreign ambassadors at his court presented an address to the king, urging him to make some political reforms. But it was already too late. In a few days a revolution began in Palermo, Messina, and Catania. Every Italian patriot looked with hope upon the movement, but

Count Cavour judged that it was not. safe to interfere, for France could not be trusted, and Austria and the pope were hostile. But war was made without the king's consent. General Garibaldi raised a body of 2,000 volunteers, and, on May 5, set sail from Genoa. The king's government declared its displeasure at this expedition, and it seemed as though it was sure to end in failure. But Garibaldi was not disheartened. He landed at Marsala, and took the title of Dictator of Sicily "in the name of Victor Emmanuel of Italy." With his little band of volunteers he took Palermo, and defeated the king's troops on the promontory of Melazzo. This victory completed the conquest of the island, save that the troops of King Francis still defended Messina.

The Neapolitans made no movement, for they were kept down by terror. The guns of the fortress of St. Elmo seemed daily to threaten Naples with destruction, and the soldiers of the king insulted and ill-used the citizens. All people of every class were in great fear; the more wealthy left the city; trade ceased, and every one who had anything to lose set about seeking for some means of saving it. The king, who was the cause of all this terror, was himself greatly alarmed at the success of Garibaldi. He made many promises of reform, and begged the king of Sardinia to interfere on his behalf. Victor Emmanuel and Count Cavour could probably have stopped the expedition at the onset. But, instead of doing this, they were contented with declaring that they disapproved it, and thus were not responsible for the attack on the king of Naples, and, having done this, they did no more, for they considered then that they might gain and could not lose.

But now, though the king and his minister were willing enough that the Neapolitans and Sicilians should have an opportunity of rising against their Bourbon king and voluntarily joining themselves to the Sardinian Kingdom, yet they began to be somewhat afraid as to what might be the intentions of the victorious general. The king therefore forbade Garibaldi to take any steps against Naples until the Sicilians had had an opportunity of voting as to whether they would become his subjects. Garibaldi, in answer, expressed his devotion to his sovereign, but refused to obey his command, for he said that, if he hesitated now, he would endanger

the cause of Italy, and be faithless to his duty as an Italian. Accordingly, on August 20, Garibaldi landed at Spartivento, and drove back the king's troops at Reggio and San Giovanni. King Francis was abandoned by his family, and by a great number of his soldiers, and was afraid to stay in Naples. On September 7th he sailed away in a Spanish ship to Gaeta, and the next day Garibaldi entered the capital.

The perplexity of King Francis had enabled many political refugees to return to Naples, and thus, when the dictator entered the city, he found a provisional government ready to his hand. Giuseppe Mazzini and a number of extreme democrats quickly joined him in Naples. Great efforts were made to induce Garibaldi to delay as long as possible giving up his conquests to the king, and the hopes and plans of the democrats caused great uneasiness at Turin. The irregular troops in the pay of the pope were also very troublesome to the king's government, and by the kind of guerilla warfare which they kept up endangered its success in the South. Count Cavour declared, in September, that, unless some check were placed upon them, the Sardinian government would invade the Papal States. The French emperor protested against this threat, but there is reason to believe that he was not in earnest. In a few days an army under General Cialdini entered the Papal States, and took Urbino, Perugia, and some other places. The papal general Lamoricière, in whose army was a devoted band of Catholic Irish, made a stand at Castelfidardo, but was defeated. This expedition prevented the pope's army from seriously hindering the union of Southern Italy, but the pope was still able to disturb its peace and to thwart the action of the Sardinian government.

Meanwhile, Garibaldi was perplexed by different parties, by Mazzinians, by the party for annexation, by those who upheld the scheme of confederation, by his friends and his enemies. At the same time the people of Naples hailed him as their deliverer, and crowds of volunteers joined him from all quarters. The campaign against the royalist troops of Naples went on with great success, and he defeated them in a battle on the Volturno. In October, King Victor Emmanuel entered the Abruzzi to receive the fruits of the expedition which he had forbidden. He was met by the dictator at the head of

his red-shirted volunteers, and hailed as King of Italy. The people of Naples and Sicily joined themselves by vote to the Sardinian Kingdom. Several of the States of Europe expressed their displeasure at the invasion of the Papal States and the annexation of the Southern provinces, but the English government, under Viscount Palmerston, boldly announced its warm sympathy with the Italian people. The French were gratified by being allowed to add the tiny principality of Monaco to the new department which they made out of Nice (Nizza), and the emperor in return acknowledged the king of Italy. Thus the daring of one man gave freedom to Naples and Sicily.

In February, 1861, the first Italian Parliament was held at Turin in a wooden building made for the purpose, and there Victor Emmanuel was declared King of Italy. But though Garibaldi had thus wonderfully brought about the union of Northern and Southern Italy, yet the government had many difficulties to meet. The excitable people of the South had received Garibaldi with enthusiasm, not merely because he gave them freedom, but chiefly because his dashing bravery and romantic career enlisted their sympathies. They were disappointed at the quiet demeanor of the king. The red shirt which marked the Garibaldian volunteer was in their eyes an emblem of recklessness and romance. The grey coats of the Piedmontese soldiers seemed to foreshadow quietness and order, and these never engage the sympathy of the Lazzaroni, as the lowest class of Neapolitans are called. These feelings placed Garibaldi in a very difficult position. This difficulty was increased by the strong dislike and distrust which both he and Count Cavour felt for one another. For these reasons Garibaldi left Naples and retired to his island-home of Caprera, and soon afterwards his volunteer army was disbanded. This added to the discontent of the lower orders, for they thought that the object of their admiration had been hardly dealt with.

The new government was also distrusted because it offended the religious prejudices of the people. They were greatly offended when Count Cavour began to carry out the same policy against convents which had met with general approval in Piedmont. Francis II. prepared to defend Gaeta against the Sardinian army, and the siege was begun in November, 1860. In Sicily Messina still held out. Brig

andage again began to spread in the Abruzzi and Basilicata. King Francis still had an army in the field, and the brigands tried to make themselves out to be the king's soldiers. During the summer of 1861 they became so powerful that even Naples itself did not seem safe. They fired at railway trains; they attacked and slew men in their own dwellings; they carried off prisoners, who had to buy their release with a large ransom; they sacked villages and slaughtered cattle. In no other country has there been in modern times so little difference between the soldier and the brigand, between the brigand and the laborer, as in Southern Italy.

The new government had also other difficulties. The men who had to carry out the law, the police and several different officials, were to a large extent disaffected. The government of Victor Emmanuel was forced to employ the old servants of the Bourbon king-for there was no other official staff ready at hand; but they were not as yet thoroughly loyal to their new king. There was at first also some discontent amongst the upper class. Naples ceased to be a capital city. The Southern Kingdom seemed to some to have become almost subject to Turin, and, as it was impossible to work all the social reforms which the Neapolitans wanted until some time had passed, there were many who thought that they had got nothing by being joined to Piedmont. These difficulties gradually disappeared before the vigor and wisdom of the new king of Italy and his ministers. King Francis for a time hoped to receive help from Austria, and the presence of the French fleet off Gaeta gave him some moral support, for it kept the Italian government in uncertainty. But in February 1861 the French ships were withdrawn, the town was surrendered, and the ex-king took shelter in Rome; General Cialdini, and afterwards Alfonso della Marmora, checked the brigands of Southern Italy, although they were not able to put them down altogether. Before long all classes saw that they could trust their new king, and the progress of social and political reform reconciled the Neapolitans to the lessened importance of their city.

Venetia under the Austrians, and Rome and the Roman Campagna under Pope Pius, were now the only parts of the peninsula which lay outside the Italian Kingdom. As regards Venetia, all the laity, and indeed nearly all the clergy, were of one

mind, for the old Austrian or Retrogressionist party had come to an end. But the powers of Europe would not allow the peace of the Continent to be disturbed by a breach of the Treaty of Villafranca. The pope was still upheld in Rome by the French garrison, and, though the Italian laity were now anxious for the completion of the work of union, a large number of priests looked on the presence of the French as highly to be desired, as a guarantee of the temporal power of the pope. The French emperor was pleased to be looked on as the Protector of the Holy See, for this made him sure of the good will of a large number of his own subjects. Each party in Italy, save the Ultramontanes, or extreme Papalists, now looked forward with hope to gaining Venetia and Rome. The more thorough Republicans, with Mazzini at their head, hoped to accomplish this by some conspiracy. The more moderate Republicans, or Garibaldians, hoped to do so by some sudden attack, such as their leader had made upon the Southern Kingdom. The constitutional party was for waiting until it could make sure of success.

Meanwhile Garibaldi was in Sicily and was set on gaining Rome. He hoped to gather together a volunteer army in the South, and with it to attack the French garrison, and drive the pope and his protectors out of Rome. Rattazzi hoped that, if he played the same part as Count Cavour had done in 1860, he might reap the benefit of the scheme if it succeeded, without getting into trouble if it came to nought. But, unlike Count Cavour, he had not secured the secret good will of Bonaparte. The French emperor showed that he would not allow the Italian government to remain a willing spectator of an attack on Rome. Urbano Rattazzi was forced to take active steps to defeat the scheme. As General Garibaldi still followed up his plan, Sicily was declared in a state of siege. The general landed ir Italy, but was met at Reggio by an Italian army under General Cialdini. The republican volunteers attacked and defeated the royal army, September 28, 1862. The next day Garibaldi was attacked by General Pallavicini, at Aspromonte. The republican army was defeated, and Garibaldi and one of his sons were wounded. The wounded general was taken to Spezzia, and there he put forward his defence. He declared that he had fought with the king's soldiers against his will, that he had been