despotic authority, completely disorganized a system already falling into ruin, and gave decision to the slower hand of time. The personal character of George III. was another; with a mind conscientious, informed, and possessed of far more than the average ability of statesmen, he saw the approaching changes and emergencies, as they were seen by his age. He saw the prerogatives which it was his duty to defend; the empire of Great Britain which it was his duty to preserve; menaced and made the sport of contending factions. He did not enter upon the field of future times now become familiar to the vulgar, nor did he reason on general principles by which his actions are now tried; but, feeling the emergencies in which he was placed, and observing the reckless game of factions trifling with the most momentous concerns and fighting their miserable fight, while the ground was rocking under their feet, he strove to stem the tide of troubles by his own firmness. The varied party movements, so admirably described by Mr Burke, were the essential consequence of such a state of things. The following description taken from Mr Burke's tract will serve admirably for a sketch of the moment when it appeared. "Nobody, I believe, will consider it merely as the language of spleen or disappointment, if I say that there is something particularly alarming in the present conjuncture. There is hardly a man, in or out of power who holds any other language. That government is at once dreaded and contemned; that the laws are despoiled of all their respected and salutary terrors; that their inaction is a subject of ridicule, and their exertion of abhorrence; that rank, office, and title, and all the solemn plausibilities of the world have lost their reverence and effect; that our foreign politics are as much deranged as our domestic economy, that our dependancies are slackened in their affection and loosed from their obedience; that we know neither how to yield, nor how to enforce; that hardly anything above or below, abroad or at home, is sound and entire; but that disconnexion and confusion, in offices, in parties, in families, in parliament, in the nation, prevail beyond the disorders of any former time; these are facts, universally admitted and lamented." Such is, we believe, an important page of history from the ablest observer of the time which it describes. It was the beginning of troubles which could not be foreseen by mortal eye. The theory which referred these evils to a court project to secure to the court the despotic use of its own influence, by getting rid of the subordinate authority of great natural interest such as that of the peerage, or great acquired consideration like that of Mr Burke, may be set down among those errors which cannot be avoided; it was suggested by a uniform system of appearances, explicable by such an assumption, and not inconsistent with the ordinary laws and processes of society; it was an error only as regarded the private designs of the human heart, but not as to facts and consequences; an equivalent system of facts was in operation; the court acted from the blind impulse of successive emergencies as it was assumed to act by design; the consequences could not be very different. Mr Burke's essay may with this proviso be read as formally representing the actual court measures for a time pursued; though pursued from necessity and not from any preconceived and refined system of policy.

Such was the condition of England at the dawn of the greatest, and perhaps the last, revolution from the disruption of the Roman empire to the year in which we now write. It was the commencement of the great period of transition of which we have already endeavoured to give a summary view. It had been long in preparation, as it was the combined result of the progress of society. It wanted but the impelling impulses, and they came from the administrative disorganization and the popular disorder of England.

Their

It now becomes essential to the main purpose of this memoir to enter on a more connected statement of the earliest proceedings connected with the American war, which may be considered as the chief material of one great period of Mr Burke's history, and as containing the proper rectification of those errors which either malicious calumny or ignorance have propagated concerning his character. The same details are equally required to bear out and vindicate the views chiefly maintained in these volumes. The necessary matter shall be reduced within the narrowest possible compass. The American colonies had, from their earliest settlement, grown up rapidly in population and commercial importance. They were bound to England by commercial advantages and the sense of protection; but had perhaps at no time thrown off the spirit of independence which was coeval with their origin. They had been first driven out of their native land, either by persecution, or led by a wild independence of spirit in no small degree tinged with fanaticism. growth was prosperous; for they had carried with them the knowledge and arts of civilization, and they were let alone by the parent country; they were left free from exactions, because there was nothing to exact; and the supremacy of the British crown was exercised for their advantage. The kings of England had hitherto seen in them a future empire to add to the commerce and power of Britain. They contributed no more than what appeared to be an adequate compensation for the cost of the protection, and for the benefits of trade; this was paid in the least intrusive and least derogatory form in the shape of port duties, while their internal government and taxation were left to themselves, and solely employed for the conduct of their internal government. But in the mean time, the sense of independence, instead of diminishing, was growing with their growth; and among the more educated classes, there was a common feeling that they were at no remote period to assume the position of a great commercial power.

Antecedent to the period in which we are now engaged, incidents took place which must be regarded as introductory. By the treaties in 1762, between Great Britain on one part, and France and Spain on the other, the effective strength and concert of the American states were greatly augmented by the cession to England of the Floridas, and of vast territories bounding on the Mississippi. Thus, besides the gain of territory, the colonies would evidently have to deal with England alone. With this gain of force, causes of complaint arose. In compliance with the Spanish court, a very considerable branch of the American trade was cut off by restrictions on the contraband trade which they car

*Introduction to the period.

ried on with the Spanish West Indian islands. This had long been a subject of bitter complaint to Spain, and its prevention was now not less so to the colonies. Their resentment was increased by the arbitrary and unskilful method of execution: it was committed to the naval and military authorities, who, as might be anticipated, carried matters with a rough, high-handed, and peremptory precision; and without any regard to the ordinary courses and concessions of a duty which they did not understand. It was thus a double blow to America: its trade cut off, and its freedom roughly invaded. The North Americans at the time, not arrived at any height of productive power, had maintained themselves chiefly as carriers between England and other countries, of which the Spanish settlements, abundant in the precious metals, supplied the principal part. Thus they obtained goods in England, and were enabled to pay by money from the West Indies. In 1764, the pressure of heavy financial embarrassments, and the complaints of the country, led Mr George Grenville to turn his thoughts to America as a source of revenue. He proposed resolutions imposing duties on all foreign articles of trade imported by Americans: a bill, carrying them into effect, was immediately brought in. The consequence of such a measure threatened the entire destruction of the American trade,- hardship, because they were not allowed to obtain those articles of trade, except from England. Another consequence was, much internal inconvenience and distress, as the Americans were dependent on England for several articles of home consumption, which, with a heavy balance of trade against them, they could neither obtain nor well afford. General irritation was the result. The sense

of separate interests was thus forcibly raised and widely diffused.

It was while affairs were in this critical position, when the cup of grievances was surcharged, and the fatal drop was but wanting to its overflow, that the Stamp Act was first introduced by Mr Grenville in 1764. The Americans had barely submitted to the new port duties; they appeared but as a lawful measure carried to extreme. They were sanctioned by usage, and might probably be mitigated, when their complaints were heard. But they had been attended with one novel feature, which had sharpened the grievance, and roused into life, though it did not call into action, a strong temper of resistance. This was the explicit declaration that the new port duties were for the purpose of raising a revenue. It was still but a new name for an old thing but the stroke was followed up in the Stamp Act, which imposed duties on nearly every article of the internal commerce of the colonies. Immediate resistanee of the most violent kind must appear to have followed as a matter of course. At once the trade of the provinces was arrested, and all the ordinary circulation of civil life was congealed: The sail hung idle in the wharf-the courts of law, and the marts of trade were deserted and desolate, and no ordinary process of social life interrupted the fermentation of the popular mind. In the mean time the effects were felt with equal severity by the English mercantile interests. The principal part of their trade was then with America, and this was at an end. In America an agreement was settled against all further imports from England. In England also, the stock lay idle in the stores, and the workmen were turned out of employ

ment. Petitions to parliament from all the chief trading towns, London, Liverpool, Bristol, &c., attested strongly the mischief. The sum of these unfortunate circumstances could not fail to receive immediate attention. At this time, the marquis of Rockingham came into power. An inquiry was immediately set on foot, and the obnoxious act repealed. The fact we have already stated-we have now to make a few remarks on the manner, which we postponed, to avoid the interruption of our personal narrative.

Many of Mr Burke's biographers appear to have gone too far in asserting or admitting the impolicy of the declaratory act. The step has been judged of with reference to after events, not in any way connected with it. The repeated discussion of the same grievance caused a considerable extension of the complaints of America: abstract questions seldom affect the public mind till they are in some way invested with practical application; they are then mostly dangerous, because they are not understood, and liable to be carried beyond their due limits. To admit that a right, supposed to be involved in sovereignty, should be set aside by a very simple implication, would seem to lead to far more dangerous questions. The assertion of it was a barrier to authority: the policy of Mr Burke's advice consisted in this, that it went to the precise length of the evil, and conceded no further than was required. The remaining question of right, however it might be decided, was one not to be rashly settled. It is unwise in such contentions, to attempt defining too precisely the line of rights: it is enough to avoid injustice, and leave the question till it practically arises. The simple repeal of the obnoxious measure was amply sufficient for the occasion: America was more than content; we extract the following sentences from the chronicle of the year:-"The rejoicings all over North America for the repeal of the stamp act, have been excessive, and several of the colonies have begun to raise subscriptions for statues to Mr Pitt. At Philadelphia, they came to the following healing resolution, viz., that, to demonstrate our zeal to Great Britain, and our gratitude for the repeal of the stamp act, each of us will, on the 4th of June next, being the birth-day of our most gracious sovereign, George III., dress ourselves in a new suit of the manufactures of England, and give what home-spun we have to the poor." Rejoicings were general through the provinces; and it is incidentally stated in one of the chronicles for the same year, that a melancholy accident occurred at Hartford, in Connecticut, from the explosion of three barrels of gunpowder, which had been provided for fireworks for the occasion. But when once a contest happens between the people and their sovereign, there is in point of fact, no limit to questions of right, till force has decided what reason is impotent to determine. There is far too much to be said on every side, for self-interest to want a specious plea: nor were the Americans more earnest in the complaints which were redressed, than the people of England in resenting that redress. In the commencement of 1767, a general sense seemed to combine all parties in a disposition adverse to the Americans. Mr Grenville proposed to raise a revenue upon them to the amount of £400,000; and Mr Townsend, who was chancellor of the exchequer, agreed in the principle, but hesitated as to the time. The Americans were already aware of the

general feeling in England, and of the design of the principal members of the administration, and did not fail to display, on their part, a strong determination to resist. It was generally known that resistance was in preparation: a few voices were raised to forewarn, but they made no impression; and, in the course of the session, a bill was passed, imposing duties upon a variety of important articles on their importation into America. Another bill was passed, placing all imposts and duties in the colonies under the control of his majesty's commissioners. To this was added a bill, prohibiting the governor, council, and assembly of New York from any act of legislation, until certain securities were given, and certain acts of submission performed.

All this time, lord Chatham, who was ostensibly at the head of the government, continued in his mysterious retirement, and took no actual part in public affairs. The cabinet became embarrassed, and at last the king was driven to an effort to organize an efficient ministry. Proposals were made to the marquis of Rockingham: after some negotiation he declared off on the question of America, and the rejection of general Conway, who, with him, entertained a pacific policy. Townsend died suddenly, and in the perplexity of the moment, Chatham was applied to once more, but he would listen to no terms. last, after much complicated negotiation, the ministry was pieced together again, lord North was persuaded to take office as chancellor of the exchequer, and other changes of no importance to our narrative followed.

At

Meanwhile, the effect of the recent enactments was not slow to show itself in America. In January, 1769, a spirited discussion took place on the subject: it was followed by several others, in which the question seems to have been argued strongly by several members of the opposition. A petition from New York denied the power of parliament to tax America: a resolution was carried against receiving it. A motion was made by governor Pownal, for the repeal of the obnoxious acts, but ministers continued to stave it off. The oppressive operation of the mutiny act-the arrival of the board of commissioners in Boston-the wording of Townsend's act, containing provision for further aggression-all called forth a prompt and unanimous declaration from the colonists. A party of leading citizens met to concert the most expedient means of giving effect to the agreement against the importation of English commodities. An active and exceedingly effective war of tracts and pamphlets commenced. On the 15th February, 1768, the assembly of Massachusetts sent out a circular to the colonies, inviting a combined resistance-other assemblies pursued the same course. The British government demanded the retractation of these resolutions from the assembly of Massachusetts-they returned a pointed refusal, and were dissolved by governor Bernard.

A cargo of madeira was, we believe, the first occasion of a recourse to physical resistance: the vessel was attacked by the rabble, and after a serious scuffle between them and the revenue officers, the latter, together with the sloop, were barely saved by the crew of a British frigate which lay in the harbour. The people of the town proceeded with singular dexterity, and a show of justice was kept up by the most adroit collusions.