H. OF R.] TUESDAY, May 17. Mexican Affairs. Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition. Mr. ADAMS asked the consent of the House to submit the following resolutions: Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House, if not incompatible with the public interest, copies of any overture made since the 3d of March, 1829, by his authority, to the Government of the United Mexican States, for the acquisition by the United States of any portion of the territories of Mexico; and copies of all correspondence between the two Governments relating thereto, and upon any question of boundary existing between the United States and Mexico. [MAY, 1836. anticipated; and his protest, for one, went much further than that of the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. HARDIN.) He saw every thing in it to arouse the feelings against it even more than against the abolition memorials themselves. If Southern men adopted this report to sustain their principles, they would be much mistaken. There was not one ground in the whole report, long as it was, for Southern men to rest a foot upon. But he had been most disappointed in this report, because its author had not kept his faith with Mr. W. There had been an express pledge given to him, that the ground would be taken in the report, that Congress had not the power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. He repeated that this pledge had been distinctly made to him, that no report should be made, unless that Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to this House, if not incompatible with the public interest, a copy and translations of any law, decree, or ordinance of the Mexican republic, abolishing slavery within the terri-ground should be taken; and he saw no such tories thereof, which may be in the possession of the executive department of the United States. WEDNESDAY, May 18. Abolition Petitions-Report of the Select Committee, Mr. Pinckney the Chairman. Mr. PINCKNEY, on leave, presented a report from the select committee on the subject of the abolition of slavery. Upon making this report, Mr. P. remarked that it had received the unanimous assent of the committee, and he trusted it would meet the unanimous approbation of the House. By their instruction of the committee, he moved that it be read and printed. Mr. MERCER moved that the report be laid on the table, without reading, and printed. Mr. CLAIBORNE, of Mississippi, asked for the reading of the report; which was accordingly done. ground taken in the report. The whole amount of what was contained in the report was, that it was not expedient now to abolish slavery in the District. Mr. W. said there were petitions and resolutions laid before the committee, of which no notice had been taken; and the committee had only announced, in relation to the States, what every one knew, that these States had declared that Congress had no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. He did not consider the report as a defence of Southern interest, nor as an expression of Southern feeling. Mr. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, would not allow one moment to pass without his unmeasured denunciation of the report just read. He felt called upon to do so, that it should not go to the world with the authority of the name (not of the individual who had presented it, but) of the State from which he came. He had listened in vain for one South Carolina argument, or one honest bursting out of the The reading occupied about an hour and a half. The report concluded with the follow-feelings of a South Carolinian; not of a South ing resolutions: Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the States of this confederacy. Resolved, That Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia. And whereas it is extremely important and desirable that the agitation of this subject should be finally arrested, for the purpose of restoring tranquillity to the public mind, your committee respectfully recommend the adoption of the following additional resolution, viz: Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions, or papers, relating in any way, or to any extent whatsoever, to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon. Mr. PINCKNEY was instructed to move that 5,000 extra copies of the report be printed. Mr. WISE said that this report had at length come; he never expected it would have come; and it was precisely such a document as he Carolinian from geography only, but one who has a head to see the dangers that await us, and a heart that does not shrink from meeting them. Instead of a cool, firm, and fixed purpose to stand upon the rights, the chartered rights, of the South, what have we? An abandonment of those rights; stale homilies about union and fanaticism; puerile rhetoric, and jesuitical sophistry. When the report squints even at the constitutional argument, it shrinks back from declaring it unconstitutional, and mollifies with the phrase "violation of the public faith." Why not speak out? The chairman of that committee assured me and my friend from Virginia, (Mr. WISE,) and others who were known to stand on the third parallel on this question, that he would not report at all unless with the distinct assertion of the principle that Congress had no constitutional power to legislate upon slavery in this District. And how has this pledge been redeemed? Puling declaration of "violation of public faith." Mr. T. desired to hear less of the public faith from one so regardless of private MAY, 1836.] Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. [H. OF R. faith. Mr. T. would not, if he could fairly | tutional power to abolish slavery in the District avoid it, send the report to the printer; he of Columbia or the Territories. would rather commit it to the flames or to the hangman. Mr. OWENS said the document must speak for itself. It was the intention of the committee to have the document printed, so that it might be fairly understood, and might be a subject of deliberation hereafter; but no one had anticipated a debate on it at this stage. Mr. O. concluded by moving to print thirty thousand extra copies of the report. Mr. THOмSON, of Ohio, did not rise to discuss the question. It had already been too much discussed. He moved the previous question. Mr. PINCKNEY hoped the gentleman would withdraw the motion for a moment. He desired merely to say that the report did not, as had been stated, yield the constitutional power to Congress of abolishing slavery in the District. All assertions of the kind were grossly incorrect. The debate was here arrested by the expiration of the time for which the rule had been suspended. THURSDAY, May 19.. Mr. HAWES was convinced, from the arguments of gentlemen, that this report ought to be printed. No sooner was this very long report read, in the preparation of which the committee had been engaged weeks upon weeks, than one gentleman from the South rose in his place and said he could not vote for it, because Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. it contained such and such matters. Another from the South rose and said that he would go The House resumed, as the unfinished busifor printing the document, because he consid-ness of yesterday, the consideration of the ered it as going to allay the excitement at the report and resolutions from the select commitSouth; and this difference of opinion he con- tee on the subject of the abolition of slavery sidered as the strongest reason why the docu- in the District of Columbia. ment should be printed. His constituents would not permit him to form an opinion for them in this matter; they would require the report itself to be submitted to them; and he thought the gentleman from Virginia had gone rather far in speaking for his constituents. Mr. PATTON wished to state his reasons for voting to print this document. He should not only vote to print the usual number, but he would vote to print any reasonable extra number. The report was presented to him as the result of the labors of a committee which had been raised to take into consideration a most interesting and exciting subject. He had not concurred with the House in the course it thought proper to pursue on this subject, because he was not of opinion that it was the most prudent and judicious course, and he had not changed in opinion.. He was perfectly satisfied that the expectations of gentlemen would be frustrated and disappointed. Notwithstanding this, he would be in favor of having the report take the usual course. Mr. ROBERTSON contended that the report yielded to Congress the right to abolish slavery in this District, and yielded every thing which the abolitionists could have expected when they sent their petitions there. He had heard the report read, he would not say with surprise, but with deep mortification and regret; because it was not calculated to put the South upon the ground which she ought to occupy; and the resolutions did not go to the extent absolutely necessary to the peace and safety of the country. Mr. R. contended that the printing of a document was left to the discretion of the House, and he thought in the present instance they should not print. Mr. R. concluded by moving to recommit the report to the select committee, with instructions to report a resolution that Congress does not possess the consti The question being on the motion of Mr. ROBERTSON to recommit the report, with instructions to report a resolution declaring that Congress has no constitutional power to interfere with the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia Mr. BYNUM, who was entitled to the floor, spoke at considerable length. He observed that it had been said by certain gentlemen that they were disappointed in the report; that it was just such a report as had been anticipated by them. In reply to that, Mr. B. said that the opposition to this report was just such identical opposition as he had anticipated. He was prepared to expect that the report would not meet the approbation of certain gentlemen in that House, and he was not at all surprised at this opposition. It was surprising that gentlemen were prepared, as by intuition, to condemn a report of immense length; and that these gentlemen perfectly understood the report without having it printed for examination. If, however, the statements of gentlemen who had opposed the printing of the report were to be taken as good for any thing, it was the strongest evidence that the report should be printed for the consideration of that body and of the nation. It was due to the honorable chairman of the committee who had made that report, that it should be printed, because his motives and his reasons had been denounced on that floor, and this document should be printed as his defence. He ought to have it laid before the people, who were to judge him. It would be an act of injustice of the most crying kind to refuse to print this document; that gentleman had a right to be heard before that House and before the country. Mr. B. was not prepared to say that he would sanction every sentiment and every principle laid down in this report; but he was prepared H. OF R.] Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. [MAY, 1836. vituperation and suspicion. Mr. P. said he to say that he would look into it, and give it | confidence and gratitude; not repelled by his impartial consideration, and he felt himself free to act after reading it. But the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. ROBERTSON) had stated that the report surrendered every thing to the abolitionists. It was a mistake. Neither the House nor the report, so far as met his observation, surrendered every thing to the abolitionists. The very object which the abolitionists contended for had been met by the House, and refused them. Attempts had been made to cast imputations on the party with whom he acted in relation to this subject; and, if it was not out of order, he would call upon the chairman of the committee who had made this report, to say what party had generally introduced these abolition memorials, and what number of those that belonged to the party with which he acted had signed them. Mr. PINCKNEY then said, if that was his object, and a vote should be taken, he should certainly vote for the amendment. Mr. P. held, Mr. PINCKNEY, in reply to this call upon and always had held, that Congress possesses him, declined giving an explanation. He could no constitutional authority to abolish slavery not do so, consistently with a sense of pro- in the District of Columbia. He thought it priety, upon the call of an individual member. susceptible of demonstration. It had been his If the House required it, he would state all opinion, long before it was ever talked of by that he knew respecting the memorials, but not many who now ride upon it as a hobby. The otherwise. He had examined them very care- gentleman had said that the report gave up the fully, and had made a schedule of the places constitutional question. It does no such thing. and States they came from, and of the aggre- It asserts distinctly the contrary, considering gate number of memorials and signatures. He Congress as the National Legislature of the had nothing to do with party, in reference to Union. As regards its power as a local Legisslavery, and therefore would not say any thing lature, no opinion is expressed. Congress that might have the remotest tendency to remains uncommitted upon that point. No excite any party feeling on the subject. It decision has ever been made upon it by either was not amiss, however, he thought, to state House; and why should a decision be called that the whole number of memorials presented for now? What would be thought of any to Congress this session amounted to one hun- Southern man who should move the resolution dred and seventy-six; that they came from ten declaring that Congress does not possess power States, embracing an aggregate population of to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. nearly eight millions; that the whole number Now, he had no doubt, that if the House were of signatures was about thirty-four thousand; pressed to vote upon a resolution denying such and that, of those, more than two-fifths were power, it would be rejected, and most probably females. He thought these facts ought to be by a large majority. He did not know the fact, known. The people of the South ought to of course, as no man can know any thing that know every thing respecting these memorials. has not actually taken place. But it was his They could see the immense disproportion decided conviction that such would be the between the millions of freemen who are result. The South would be beaten, as it had determined to maintain their constitutional been in the Senate on the question of reception. obligations to their Southern brethren, and the One defeat was enough. He did not desire band of incendiary agitators who would tram- another. That was the reason he had avoided ple on all laws, human and divine, in the relent-pressing the House upon the abstract questions less prosecution of their diabolical designs. of the right of petition, and the actual authorHe believed that there never was a healthier ity of Congress over slavery in the District. tone of sentiment in the non-slaveholding As matters now stand, every thing is operatStates, in reference to the domestic institutions | ing favorably to the South. The Senate, by a of the South, than at this moment. There was, unquestionably, abundant reason for vigilance and caution in relation to the fanatics; but there was also abundant reason to rely on the enlightened patriotism of the non-slaveholding States. There are great moral causes at work in favor of the South. We should trust their efficacy, and watch their progress. The people of the non-slaveholding States are alive to the dangers connected with this question, and they are generously fighting the battle of the South. They should be encouraged by large majority, has rejected the prayer of the abolition memorials. This House has adopted resolutions pledging the national faith not to interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia. The tone of public sentiment is sound and patriotic in all the non-slaveholding States. The South, so far, is victorious, and every thing goes well for her advantage and security! Why, then, press this abstract question now? Why force a battle upon a ground no way necessary to the safety of the South, and with a moral certainty of being driven from it? Is MAY, 1836.] Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. [H. oF R. Mr. PATTON rose to appeal to the gentleman from Georgia to withdraw his motion. Mr. OWENS repeated that he would not withdraw it. motion. The question was then taken, and the motion for the previous question was seconded by the House-yeas 95, nays 82. Mr. WISE then demanded the yeas and nays on the previous question, and they were order| ed. Messrs. WISE and EVERETT simultaneously moved a call of the House. Mr. WISE asked for the yeas and nays on the call; which were ordered, and, being taken, stood-yeas 97, nays 108. it for the purpose of party agitation? Is it for the purpose of exciting the South, with no shadow of necessity for such excitement? He could not believe it. What then? The gentleman says a pledge of the public faith signifies Mr. PATTON hoped he would not denounce nothing. Indeed! What, then, would a reso-every man who should not vote for his lution of disclaimer signify? If the House can rescind the one, so it can rescind the other. But the House would be much more likely to rescind a mere disclaimer of authority, which is nothing more than an expression of opinion upon an abstract point, than it would be to violate a solemn pledge of the national faith, which it could not do without shocking the moral sense of every well-regulated mind, and degrading itself in the estimation of the whole civilized world by the palpable commission of an act of perfidy. Mr. P. said he had no fear of any such atrocity. He considered the question settled. The Government had made a solemn covenant upon this subject with the slaveholding States; Congress might violate the constitution; it could not, would not, violate the public faith. It was bound hand and foot. The South had nothing now to fear, except from those who are determined to continue the agitation of slavery for the purpose of excitement. Abolitionism has attained its height. It has begun to go down, and will soon disappear entirely, if we do not fan the flame ourselves, and will only allow our friends in the non-slaveholding States to fight the fanatics in their own way, and not trammel them in their operations by mixing up extraneous and unnecessary questions with the subject of abolition. Mr. ROBERTSON rose in reply to the gentleman from South Carolina, and in support of his motion. The morning hour having expired, the House proceeded to the orders of the day. On motion of Mr. MILLER, and by general consent, the usual number of the report made by Mr. PINCKNEY, on the subject of abolition, was ordered to be printed. WEDNESDAY, May 25. Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. The House resumed the consideration of the report of Mr. PINCKNEY, from the committee on the subject of the abolition of slavery. The question was the motion of Mr. ROBERTSON, to recommit the report to the same committee, with instructions to report a resolution declaring that Congress has not the power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Mr. ROBERTSON continued his argument at great length in support of his motion and the propositions he had laid down, and when he concluded, Mr. OWENS expressed an opinion that the discussion ought not to be continued, and moved the previous question. Mr. STORER moved to lay the subject on the table; and that motion was negatived without a division. The question "Shall the main question be now put?" was then taken, and decided in the affirmative-yeas 109, nays 89. So it was determined that the main question be now put; and the Speaker decided that the main question was upon agreeing to the above resolutions. Mr. HEISTER called for a division of the question, and asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered. The first resolution was then read, as follows: "Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority to interfere in any way with the institution of slavery in any of the States of this confederacy." Mr. ADAMS said, if the House would allow him five minutes' time, he pledged himself to prove that resolution false and utterly untrue. He was here called to order in different parts of the House, and resumed his seat. The question was then taken on the adoption of the first resolution, as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. C. Allan, H. Allen, Anthony, Ash, Bailey, Barton, Beale, Bean, Beaumont, Bockee, Bond, Boon, Borden, Bouldin, Bovee, Boyd, Briggs, Brown, Buchanan, Bunch, Burns, W. B. Calhoun, Cambreleng, Carr, Casey, G. Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, N. H. Claiborne, J. F. H. Claiborne, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Corwin, Craig, Cramer, Crane, Cushing, Cushman, Deberry, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dromgoole, Dunlap, Fairfield, Farlin, French, Fry, P. C. Fuller, W. K. Fuller, Galbraith, J. Garland, Gillet, Granger, Grantland, Graves, Grennell, Haley, J. Hall, H. Hall, Hamer, Hannegan, Hard, Harlan, Harper, S. S. Harrison, A. G. Harrison, Hawes, Haynes, Henderson, Heister, Hoar, Holsey, Howard, Howell, Hubley, Hunt, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, J. Jackson, J. Johnson, R. M. Johnson, C. Johnson, H. Johnson, J. W. Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard, Klingensmith, Lane, Lansing, Laporte, Lawler, Lawrence, Lay, G. Lee, J. Lee, L. Lea, Leonard, Lincoln, Logan, Love, Loyall, Lyon, A. Mann, J. Mann, Martin, W. Mason, M. Mason, S. Mason, May, McCarty, McComas, McKay, McKennan, H. OF R.] Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. McKeon, McKim, McLene, Mercer, Miller, Milligan, [MAY, 1836. YEAS.-Messrs. C. Allan, Anthony, Ash, Barton Bean, Beaumont, Bell, Bockee, Boon, Bouldin, Bovee, Boyd, Brown, Buchanan, Bunch, Burns, Cambreleng, Casey, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, N. H. Claiborne, John F. H. Claiborne, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cramer, Cushman, Deberry, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dromgoole, Dunlap, Fairfield, Farlin, French, Fry, W. K. Fuller, Galbraith, J. Garland, Gillet, Grantland, Graves, Haley, J. Hall, Hamer, Hardin, Harlan, A. G. Harrison, Hawes, Haynes, Holsey, Howard, Howell, Hubley, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingham, J. Jackson, J. Johnson, R. M. Johnson, C. Johnson, H. Johnson, J. W. Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kinnard, Klingensmith, Lansing, Laporte, Lawler, Gideon Lee, Leonard, Logan, Loyall, Abijah Mann, Martin, William Mason, Moses Mason, May, McComas, McKay, McKeon, McKim, McLene, Miller, Montgomery, Morgan, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Patterson, Patton, Franklin Pierce, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Phelps, Pinckney, In answer to inquiries, as to what would | Rencher, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Ripley, become of the votes of those gentlemen who | Roane, Rogers, Schenck, Seymour, William B. Shephad asked to be excused, if they should here- | ard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Shinn, Sickles, Spangler, after be required to vote, the CHATR said that | Speight, Standefer, Steele, Storer, Sutherland, Taliathe failure of gentlemen to vote could not arrest NAYS.-Messrs. Adams, Clark, Denny, Everett, W. Jackson, Janes, Phillips, Patts, Slande9. THURSDAY, May 26. Mr. Pinckney's Report on Abolition Petitions. the decision of the House. The first resolution was then declared to have been adopted-yeas 182, nays 9. The second resolution was read, as follows: "Resolved, That Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia. " The House proceeded to vote by yeas and nays upon the adoption of this resolution. When the name of Mr. ADAMS was called, he asked to be excused from voting. The CHAIR said the gentleman's name would be passed for the present. Mr. GRANGER, also, when his name was called, rose, and commenced reading from a manuscript to this effect: "I decline voting on the second resolution reported by Mr. PINCKNEY, from the select committee "-Mr. G. was here called to order. Mr. G. continued. "I do not ask to be excused, because "—Mr. G. was again loudly called to order in every part of the House. The CHAIR said it was not in order for the gentleman to make an argument pending the vote by yeas and nays. Mr. GRANGER then yielded the floor. Mr. WISE declined voting, for reasons which he sent to the Chair, but which were not read. Before the vote was announced, Mr. COFFEE asked the permission of the House to record his vote. He had risen from a sick bed, contrary to the advice of his friends and physician, for the purpose of voting on these resolutions. He had been in an adjoining room, and the officers of the House had neglected to comply with his request to be notified when the vote was taken. It was under these peculiar circumstances that he had made the request. Mr. WHITTLESEY, of Ohio, objected. The second resolution was then declared to be adopted—yeas 132, nays 45; as follows: | | ferro, Taylor, John Thomson, Toucey, Turner, Turrill, Underwood, Vanderpoel, Wagener, Ward, Wardwell, Webster, White, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams-132 NAYS.-Messrs. Heman Allen, Bailey, Bond, Borden, Briggs, William B. Calhoun, Carr, George Chambers, Childs, Clark, Cushing, Denny, Everett, Philo C. Fuller, Grennell, Hiland Hall, Hard, Samuel S. Harrison, Hazeltine, Henderson, Heister, Hoar, Hunt, Ingersoll, William Jackson, Janes, B. Jones, Kilgore, Lane, Lawrence, Joshua Lee, Lincoln, Samson Mason, McCarty, McKennan, Morris, Parker, Phillips, Potts, Reed, Russell, Slade, Sprague, Vinton, Whittlesey-45. The preamble and third resolution were then read, as follows : "And whereas it is extremely important and desirable that the agitation of this subject should be finally arrested, for the purpose of restoring tranquillity to the public mind, your committee respectfully recommend the adoption of the following additional resolution, viz: “ Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions or papers, relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." Mr. PHILLIPS moved to lay the preamble and third resolution on the table. Negativedyeas 69, nays 118. The question recurred upon the adoption of the preamble and third resolution. When the name of Mr. ADAMS was called, that gentleman rose and said: I hold the resolution to be a direct violation of the Constitution of the United States, the rules of this House, and the rights of my constituents. Mr. A. resumed his seat amid loud cries of "order," from all parts of the hall. The third resolution was then agreed toyeas 117, nays 68, as follows: |