H. OF R.]

Suppression of Indian Hostilities.

sent of the House to permit him, and also the gentlemen from Georgia and Virginia, (Messrs. GLASCOCK and ROBERTSON,) to enter their reasons on the journal for the vote given by them on the resolution just adopted.

Objections being made, Mr. GLASCOCK moved to suspend the rules for that purpose; which was disagreed to.

United States and France.

The SPEAKER laid before the House the following Message from the President of the United States:

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

The Government of Great Britain has offered its mediation for the adjustment of the dispute between the United States and France. Carefully guarding that point in the controversy, which, as it involves our honor and independence, admits of no compromise, I have cheerfully accepted the offer. It will be obviously improper to resort even to the mildest measure of a compulsory character, until it is ascertained whether France has declined or accepted the mediation. I therefore recommend a suspension of all proceedings on that part of my special Message of the 15th of January last, which proposes a partial non-intercourse with France. While we cannot too highly appreciate the elevated and disinterested motives of the offer of Great Britain, and have a

[MARCH, 1836. Mr. INGERSOLL said: I am not about to pronounce an eulogium on the character of John Marshall. His merits are already recorded in the hearts and judgments of his countrymen. A recollection of them will be cherished as long as a just estimate can be formed of brilliant talents and unspotted integrity, as long as gratitude shall continue to be a virtue. Few men since the formation of the Government have served it so well, and none more faithfully. In the administration of the laws, under a Government of laws, he was for nearly five-andthirty years supreme in station, in abilities, and in usefulness. It has been the peculiar fortune of this republic that it has found on different occasions, when it has called its eminent citizens to posts of public duty, a happy fitness in the individual to his station, a devotion of purpose in the man, and a confidence in his designs on the part of the people; a union and an aptitude from which nothing but lasting benefits can arise. Many shining properties were centered in the eminent person to whom it is the object of this resolution to offer a feeble tribute of respect and gratitude-properties which justify the feeling universally entertained for him as the pride and the boast of his countrymen. When this and much more will continue to be immeasurably his debtors. shall be done by them, the nation and posterity I submit the resolution as a cheerful acknowledgment of the debt we owe, and as the pledge of an effort to repay it in the emulation of his virtues.

just reliance upon the great influence of that power to restore the relations of ancient friendship between the United States and France, and know, too, that our own pacific policy will be strictly adhered to, until the national honor compels us to depart from it, we should be insensible to the exposed condition of our country, and forget the lessons of experience, if we did not efficiently and sedulously prepare for an adverse result. The peace of a nation does not depend exclusively upon its own will, nor upon the beneficent policy of neighboring powers; and that nation which is found totally unprepared for the exigencies and dangers of war, although it come without having given warning of Mr. McKEON suggested to the gentleman its approach, is criminally negligent of its honor and its duty. I cannot too strongly repeat the from Pennsylvania the expediency of modifyrecommendation already made to place the seaboarding the resolution so as to refer the subject to the Joint Committee on the Library.

in a proper state of defence, and promptly to provide the means for amply protecting our commerce. ANDREW JACKSON.

WASHINGTON, February 8, 1836.

On motion of Mr. MASON, of Virginia, the Message was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

FRIDAY, February 12.

The Late Chief Justice Marshall. Mr. INGERSOLL, with the unanimous consent of the House, offered the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on the Library be instructed to cause a marble bust of the late Chief Justice Marshall to be prepared by an artist of merit and reputation, and to be placed in the chamber of the Supreme Court of the United States, in a position corresponding with that of the bust of the late Chief Justice Jay.

Mr. STORER remarked that some weeks ago he had presented a memorial from Hiram Powers, requesting Congress to employ him for the purpose of executing the work proposed in this resolution. The memorial was before the Committee on the Library, who would report upon it in a few days.

Mr. INGERSOLL so modified the resolution, and it was agreed to, nem. dis.

TUESDAY, March 8.

Mr. DIXON H. LEWIS, a member of the House of Representatives from the State of Alabama, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat.

MONDAY, March 14.

Suppression of Indian Hostilities.

The bill making a further appropriation for suppressing Indian hostilities in Florida, was read the third time.

Mr. STORER did not rise to oppose the bill, but merely to ask for some light on the subject. If it were necessary, he would vote for ten times the amount asked for, but he could not do so unless it was actually necessary. He

said they had already voted half a million of dollars for the suppression of Indian hostilities in Florida, and to feed all the suffering inhabitants thereof; and he asked the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means if he could show any reasons why they should vote more money. He said it was the practice with the committee of which Mr. S. was a member to give the reasons, when they reported a bill, for so doing; but there the committee which had the whole management of the appropriations of the House introduced bills without a solitary reason to sustain them. He wished to know what were the grounds for the appropriation at present asked for.

Mr. CAMBRELENG called for the reading of a letter from the Secretary of War, which, he remarked, would probably be satisfactory to the gentleman from Ohio.

The letter was read, and the bill passed.

Resolved, That the Clerk of the House be authorized and required to furnish the new members of the twenty-fourth Congress with the same books furnished to the members of the twenty-third Congress.

It being suggested that a similar resolution was on the Speaker's table, Mr. BRIGGS varied his motion so as to take up that resolution; which motion was agreed to.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee, objected to the passage of the resolution, and felt it his duty

to make a statement to the House of the expenditures which would arise upon the adoption of the resolution. He had examined into the subject, and caused a statement to be made, showing the books that would be printed and purchased under the resolution, and he found it would cause a reprint of eighty-four volumes, which would cost the sum of $35,041 16; and under it the Clerk of the House would purchase fifty-four volumes, now in print, or preparing for the press, costing the sum of $63,938; making an aggregate expenditure of near one hundred thousand dollars; making over one

thousand dollars in books to each of the new members of the present Congress.

Mr. J. read a catalogue of the books, and the cost, as estimated by one of the Clerks of the House, as follows:

of

INGERSOLL'S resolution will cause a reprint Cost estimated. 7 vols. Docs. of 2d session, 22d Cong. $3,118 50 4 do. Elliot's Debates, 1,237 50 891 00

2 do. Manufacturing Documents,

27 do. Docs. and Jour. 1st Sess. 23d

[H. OF R,

Cost estimated.

1 vol. Doc. His. of U. S. Bank, at 4 50
each,

$4,455 00

693 00

5,346 00

1,980 00 $35,041 16

$445 50

9 do. Register of Debates, at 65 each, 7,425 00
1 do. Livingston's Code, at
495 00
1 do. .Com. Regulations, at
1 do. Peck's Trial,

5

46

5

495 00

at

5

66

495 00

at 1 66

390 00

1 do. Cobb's Manual,
20 do. Amer. State Papers, at 227 40 “
20 do. Doc. His. U. S.,

54

Mr. J. said many of the books which would necessarily be reprinted, if the resolution was adopted, were wholly useless, and would never be read. He referred to the volumes of the documents of the first session of the last Connames of the memorialists, and also those gress, containing the panic memorials and the containing the names of the pensioners. He thought the thousand dollars could be as well, much better expended, for the benefit of new members in purchasing other books of a different character. Mr. J. regretted placing himself in a position in which he might have the appearance of acting unkindly to the new He felt it members of the present Congress. his duty to resist such an application of the publication heretofore as well as now; he had uniformly opposed all such propositions, from the time he had the honor of a seat upon this If Congress floor, and he expected to do so. should purchase and present books to the members of Congress, they should be returned to the public library upon the expiration of their respective terms, for the use of their successors. The resolution seemed plausible, in placing the new members upon the same footing with the members of the last Congress; it was apparent, however, that they could, with the same propriety, claim as many books had served fifteen or twenty years; and all our as the members of the present Congress who successors upon this floor might, with the same his duty to make these statements to the propriety, make the same claim. He felt it House, and he should ask the privilege of recording his vote in opposition.

Mr. INGERSOLL (who originally offered the resolution) said: I introduced this resolution, in compliance with the wishes of others, who, not so much from any impluses of my own, as like myself, are without the advantage of personal experience here. I do not desire to urge it beyond a point which may be considered perfectly reasonable and just. resolution, it will be perceived, merely adopts the precedent which has been set by those members of the present Congress who were also

The

H. OF R.]

Deposit Banks.

[APRIL, 1836.

members of the last. All of them, I presume, | one may be benefited. The expense which is have either supported the measure by their complained of is insignificant, whether it be votes, or availed themselves of its fruits. The compared with the good effects that are likely gentleman from Tennessee has, as he says, to be the consequence, or with the ordinary received the books, and he manifests the utility profusion which is manifested in the printing of them in the information which he habitually of public documents by the House. communicates to the House. Those who are entirely without the benefit derived from a participation in the past proceedings of Congress, are obliged to recur to the volumes in question, in order that they may reach the information necessary to enable them to give a conscientious vote upon almost any subject that occurs. For myself, I acknowledge my obligations to an honorable friend for the use of the books which have been furnished to him under former resolutions of a similar character. The State Papers, which are especially objected to, are of peculiar value, and of constant use as a work of reference.

This resolution, however, is more important in a public than a private sense. Besides the immediate communication of intelligence to members of Congress, it contemplates a broader diffusion of interesting knowledge throughout the nation, and throughout the world. Every element of the present elevation of the country in power and in happiness is to be found in the works which it is proposed to distribute.

You cannot better serve the cause of universal freedom and sound political wisdom, than by exhibiting, everywhere, the measures which this nation has resorted to and adopted in the course of its brief but comprehensive history. After the books have been used by the immediate representatives of the people, they will become the property of the people themselves. They will be cherished as the true, and, before long, the only evidence accessible to every citizen of the wisdom and the errors of those who have gone before us. They will teach lessons of equal practical utility, whether they reflect a record of proceedings which are wise enough to be imitated, or erroneous enough to be avoided.

With respect to one of the works called for, it is not easy to understand upon what principle a preference is to be given to our more experienced brethren over ourselves. Where publications have been made heretofore, and are now exhausted by distribution, there may be plausibility in the argument which objects to a renewed expense. But the "Documentary History of the United States" is yet in embryo. Not a member has been furnished with it. When it shall have issued from the press, and comes fresh and new for the information of the people, with the whole expense which it calls for yet to be incurred, I claim for all the representatives an equal right to partake of the benefits which it confers.

After some remarks from Messrs. REED, JUDSON, and SPEIGHT,

Mr. SPEIGHT called for the orders of the day.

FRIDAY, April 8.

Wisconsin Territory.

On motion of Mr. MAY, the House proceeded to the consideration of the bill to establish the Territorial Government of Wisconsin. After a debate upon details, and various amendments adopted,

The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and was read a third time and passed.

MONDAY, April 11.
Deposit Banks.

Mr. WISE offered the following resolution: Resolved, That a select committee be appointed, The example of another Government is with power to send for persons and papers, to worthy of recollection. Your library has inquire into the agency or mode of selecting the recently been enriched by a gift of the valu- banks of deposit for the public money, and into able and extensive publication of the almost the contracts with the Treasury Department, by by-gone monuments of British history and which they are regulated, and into the manner in British law. That politic and liberal nation which, and the persons by whom, such contracts are made; and to inquire whether any, and if any, has endeavored to spread as widely as the what connection or relation, official or unofficial, empire of civilized man extends, the informa-exists, or has existed, between a certain Reuben tion contained in those costly volumes. Not only are the especial libraries of sister Governments in possession of them, but the existence of them is perpetuated by finding them a place in the halls of all the celebrated seminaries of learning throughout Christendom. It appears to me that we owe at least as much to our fathers and to ourselves.

At a moment when the national Treasury is filled to repletion, what better use can be made of a comparative modicum of its surplus wealth than that which the resolution contemplates? Not an interest can suffer. Every

M. Whitney and the Treasury Department of the United States, or between him and the banks of deposit of the public money, and into the extent of his agency generally, in keeping and controlling the public money, and into the amount of his compensation, whether the same be paid out of the public Treasury or by the deposit banks; and that said committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

Objections having been made,

Mr. WISE moved to suspend the rules; and, The question being taken, the motion was rejected-yeas 85, nays 82-not two-thirds.

The bill was reported at a late hour last night, from the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, with sundry amend-stantiate this opinion to the satisfaction of any ments, and the question was on concurring with the committee in their report.

"The memorial of the subscribers respectfully represents, that as early as the 11th day of July, 1778, the memorial of Ebenezer Hazard was presented to Congress, calling their attention to the importance of a Collection of American State Mr. SMITH, of Maine, said all the gentlemen Papers. On the 20th of the same month, certain opposed to the amendment offered by the hon-resolutions were passed, approving of the object,

H. OF R.]

General Appropriation Bill-Documentary History.

[APRIL, 1836.

of Congress to the amount of only one thousand dollars, inasmuch as they were willing to grant all that he desired? Sir, I maintain that here is proof enough to insure the verdict of any jury in the country, that neither Hazard, nor the Congress of 1778, nor the Congress of 1833, for an instant conceived of such a stupendous enterprise as is now set up under the contract of Mr. Livingston, which has been read, nor do I believe that the memorialists themselves contemplated one of such magnitude at that time. I believe, sir, that here is evidence in abundance, in their reference to Hazard's plan, as a description substantially of their own plan, and in the character of the resolution of 1778

of the character of Hazard's plan, and of the magnitude of it? Why, sir, we have evidence on this point, which cannot but be of the most satisfactory character; evidence by which we can accurately judge of the view entertained by the Congress of 1833 upon this subject. We have the resolutions of the Congress of 1778, respecting Hazard's proposed work; and these resolutions are referred to by Clarke and Force in their contract with Mr. Livingston, and constitute a part of their memorial to the Congress of 1833, for the purpose of describing "the plan" of their work. One of these resolutions of 1778 reads thus, after setting forth "that Mr. Hazard must necessarily be put to expense of various kinds in procuring the extensive collec-respecting Hazard's plan, to sustain the positions tion of materials he proposes to make:

"Resolved, That to enable Mr. Hazard to sustain such expense, one thousand dollars be advanced to him upon account, returns being made to Congress of his expenses in this business."

Such, sir, is the indication furnished in the papers of Messrs. Clarke and Force, the memorialists, of the views entertained by the Congress of 1778 relative to Mr. Hazard's work, which these memorialists described to the Congress of 1833 as the plan of their work; they having transferred the title of Hazard's work, "A Collection of American State Papers," into the title of "A Documentary History of the American Revolution." Will it be pretended, sir, hereafter, upon this floor, that the Congress of 1778 contemplated, in Mr. Hazard's work, an enterprise to be compared in any thing with the work now attempted to be imposed upon Congress under Clarke and Force's contract? It has been demonstrated that this latter work is to cost from four hundred and eight thousand to half a million of dollars, as the least estimate. And will the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. ADAMS,) or any other gentleman, reflect so severely upon the Congress of 1778 as to charge them with having in view a work of this magnitude, or any thing like it, when they contributed the trifling, pitiful sum, in comparison, of one thousand dollars, to aid Hazard in his work? Sir, we are told by these memorialists themselves, Messrs. Clarke and Force, that to Hazard's work, whatever it was-and it is alluded to by them as giving the outline of their own plan-that the Congress of 1778 granted to Hazard "such patronage and facilities as he desired." This is their own language, and their own showing; for I do not go out of the case they have given in their original documents, presented to the Congress of 1833, for my proofs that the contract which they now claim to have made is not the contract, and their present work is not the work, had in view either by themselves or the Congress of 1833. Let me ask gentlemen if they believe that Hazard, had he in contemplation an enterprise involving an expense of nearly half a million of dollars, at the lowest estimate, would have desired, "patronage and facilities"

taken by the honorable gentleman from Tennessee, that Congress has been outrageously imposed upon under this Clarke and Force contract, and that Congress is not bound now, in. neither honor nor equity, to fulfil the construction now attempted to be put upon it. Sir, we ought to stop, before contributing an additional sum of $20,000 to the sum of $20,000 already appropriated, until a thorough investigation of the subject has been made by the Committee of Ways and Means, under the resolution of the same honorable gentleman, adopted on this morning by the House.

We are told, further, by these memorialists, that Mr. Hazard pursued his plan through two volumes, and then abandoned it. Why did he abandon it? Because the magnitude of the enterprise was too great for his means, and because Congress refused to aid him sufficiently in comparison to his enterprise? No such thing. Congress contributed one thousand dollars towards it. It does not appear that more was needed. But he abandoned it; we are told "he gave up the work in consequence of his other engagements, and no one has since ventured to complete it." Such is the history of the work he planned, and such is the plan of the work presented to the Congress of 1833, to induce them to pass the act under which the present enormous claim of Clarke and Force is set up.

MONDAY, April 18.

General Appropriation Bill-Documentary
History.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of Government for the year 1836.

The bill had been considered in Committee of the Whole, and the question immediately pending was on concurring with the amendment of the committee to strike out the following clause: "For the Documentary History of the American Revolution, per act of 2d of March, 1833, $20,000;" and

Mr. CARTER moved to amend the clause by directing the Secretary of State to notify Clarke