conscious of the external world, although we have the same consciousness of the external world in dreams as in our waking states.

We must also be careful to distinguish between our thought or conception of ourselves, and our feeling or experience of ourselves. The former is a late product in our psychical history, the latter is present at the beginning of our conscious existence. This distinction enables us to understand why children are so slow in learning to use the personal pronoun I, and why some people never cease to identify the body with self; they have the feeling, the experience of self, but no conceptual knowledge of it. Not till the attention is concentrated upon the self as the subject of the mental life does the feeling of self become the conception of self.

I have thus attempted to give a brief account of Professor Bowne's answer to his first question: What are the ultimate elements of the facts and processes of the human mind? How imperfect and fragmentary my sketch is no one can be more vividly conscious than I am. But if I so far succeed in interesting my readers as to induce them to seek a knowledge of the book at first hand my purpose will be fully accomplished. I cannot better express my appreciation of it than by saying that if a man should determine to limit himself to the study of one book on psychology, I know of no book in the English language I would recommend before Professor Bowne's. I do not pretend to agree with him in all respects-did two metaphysicians ever entirely agree?-but where he seems to me to be wrong the general trend of his thought seems to me to be toward truth. And he combines lucidity of exposition, and aptness and power of illustration, with a profundity and acuteness of thought to an extent rarely equaled. The reader who is repelled by his pages may feel sure that he has no aptitude for philosophical study.

ART. III.-POLITY OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH.

"To perfect the system and forever prevent revolution, power is reserved to the people by amendments of their Constitution to remove every imperfection which time may lay bare, and adapt it to unforeseen contingencies." So writes Bancroft, at once an historian and a political philosopher, who beyond most of his class has come to understand and appreciate the genius of republicanism, and the fundamental principles of the ideal American polity. Applying this law to the polity of the Methodist Episcopal Church, it may be premised that no claim has ever been made that it was originally perfect, or that it has since grown into a state that admits of no emendation, although the wisdom of its founders deserves the highest praise. They fully met the demands of their times, and laid a foundation of just principles upon which they reared a system of administration which might become the regulating force in a great Church of the future, with duly guarded provisions for the introduction of such modifications or amendments as time and experience might show to be needed.

And now, after the lapse of more than a hundred years, during which the little one has become millions, it still remains the fact that its polity has not become so adjusted as to include the great body of its members in its growing forces.

The Methodist Episcopal Church is the product of a great missionary enterprise. It has been from the first conducted on the principle of a self-sustaining work. There was not, in the beginning, a great missionary society to open up new fields and nourish the feeble societies, but the pioneer Methodist preachers went "without purse or scrip." The people were in the "wilderness," but they were not destitute of some religious knowledge, and this partial and imperfect preparation made them accessible, so that immediate success was attained. The pioneer preachers must also become the shepherds for these new converts. They were hungering for the Gospel, and any system that would meet the emergency and satisfy the immediate demands of the time would, in the providence of God, become the instrumentality for good. The

Church of to-day is what it is by reason of having had such antecedents.

A very practical problem now before us is, What disposition ought we to make of our acquired forces? If it were simply a matter of wealth, it might be disposed of very easily; but we, as a Church, have become possessors of men and women. They have more than reached their majority in years; and besides, they have intelligence and piety. They have a love and a loyalty for Methodism that can be safely trusted with any interests that may legitimately fall to them. The thought will not be entertained for a moment that our ecclesiastical polity underrates the intelligence and loyalty of the individual membership of the Church. The individual and constitutional right of the governed must be an after consideration with any Church having such a history as our own. All these things come as do other gifts in the providence of God, and must be disposed of according to the disposition of human judgment and discretion. The continent of America had to be discovered first, and possession of known territory fixed, and then followed the complicated and associated rights of those who comprised the community. The few to whom power was given, without representation on the part of the people, might have prolonged their period of rule if they had adjusted themselves to the interests of the governed. Revolt and revolution brought what ought to have come by amicable processes of adjustments of laws and regulations to the changed condition of things.

The membership of our Church, until lately, have consented. to be governed without class representation. Indeed, they have never demanded a change, but, like loyal subjects, they have waited and accepted gratefully whatever power or privilege has been conferred by those to whom the governing power was committed. The only radical concession ever made was the admission of lay delegation to the General Conference, which, 'indeed, secured a nearer approach to the people in the legislation of Church affairs; but that arrangement secured a very remote representation to the laity, and accordingly the pulsations are neither deep nor strong. It seemed at first an assurance that other changes would follow, bringing the great constituency of the Church into closer connection with those who rule; but after nearly twenty years no progress in that direc

This was the character of

out of those converted to its faith. the movement over the whole field, and hence we see the wisdom exercised in the creation of a church government such as we have. It had a military precision in its organization. It could execute its plans. Loyalty to the appointing power by pastor and people was a cardinal virtue. And under this system of action it must be conceded the Church has done nobly. It would exhibit a great lack of wisdom and want of appreciation did we fail to recognize the value of the work done, and, of course, of the agencies by which its results have been reached. And now a very practical work lies before us. Our successors will demand something tangible. A very nice theory, without a demonstration, will have no real value and no future. Our ancestors met the emergencies of their times, and we have entered into their labors, and reap that we sowed not. This Church of a pure faith, and a good experience, and the best polity, taking all in all, of all the denominations, should have a future worthy of its record.

Is it a thought to be entertained by the friends of the Methodist Episcopal Church that it may become completely American, and at the same time retain all its essential characteristics? This seems to be within easy reach, and need not involve any revolutionary changes. The episcopacy need not be disturbed; our connectional system of government would be solidified, and would reach a little deeper into the foundations; our doctrines would not be jeopardized, and our itinerancy would have an additional security for a continued work. The Church ought to feel that its interests are safe in the hands of its friends. It is simply asking that the unemployed energies shall be utilized and brought into a closer sympathy with the Church and its work.

Lay delegation in the General Conference was one step in the right direction, and toward the people, or the membership/ of the Church; but it stopped short of popular government. It is class-legislation. A selected few have the privilege to exercise the right of franchise, and the power to determine the local interests of the Society and participate also in the higher counsels of the Church. Instead of Quarterly Conference lay representation, which is all that we now have, our membersh'n ought to have personal representation. An individus`