and its defence was looked forward to with sanguine expectation, by the leaders of the Royal party; without, perhaps, sufficiently taking into calculation the composition of their garrison. Such hopes were doomed to disappointment. Cromwell battered the walls by a fire kept up for two days, and having obtained a wide practicable breach, found no resistance from within. What followed has been the subject of much unqualified animadversion, and the doubtful defence of a political and military expediency. The historian, whatever may be his creed or party, must shrink from any attempt to extenuate a cruelty so irrespective as to the victims, however beneficial or even necessary the proposed result. But though we cannot defend the massacre of a garrison which had laid down its arms, or of citizens who were innocent of resistance, it is fair that Cromwell should have the benefit of such motives and expediencies as have been urged in palliation of a proceeding as inexcusable by the laws of war as by those of humanity. Ten years of sanguinary faction, all through signalized by deeds of unredeemed atrocity, were likely to convey the impression that peaceful settlement must be hopeless, and that mercy could only result in the renewal of the same persistent and incorrigible course of murder and rapine. To arrest this by the only available expedient, however desperate, might seem not altogether inexcusable. Many cities were to be stormed, and the whole land must be washed in its blood, if it were to be subdued by force of arms. Terror was had recourse to, to obviate this terrible necessity, by a warrior hardened to the milder feeling of humanity in the long and rough training of cruel civil war. Cromwell's hard sagacity apprehended the consequence which followed-a consequence as merciful and politic as the means were inhuman and bloody. But it is also not less probable, though hardly more to be excused, that Cromwell was at the time much actuated by a resentful sense of the still more atrocious persecutions then at their height in Savoy and other lands of Europe in the same cause; by the authority or influence of the Pope, and the fanatic princes who massacred whole peaceful settlements and communities in his name. But we have been led farther than our design. To judge of men with perfect justice, it is fair to look back into the temper and condition of the times in which they acted. In that agitated period, a vindictive spirit and a spirit of terror breathed in the air of life. Persecution, conspiracy, and the aspect of change and revolution occupied and disquieted the mind of all. Strong hearts were strung to meet the emergencies by which the time or their position was surrounded, with a temper which silenced, at moments of trial, much of the affections which prevailed in the calm of peaceful times.

The end was as was expected. It is needless in this summary to accompany Cromwell in his rapid and decisive progress. He was called to England by the not less unsettled condition of affairs there; and left to Ireton the prosecution and final settlement of his campaign. His departure was the signal for the revival of the disorderly scenes of tumultuary conflict between the same old confederate factions composed of Irish chiefs and popish agitators-and loyalists now without more than the shadow of a cause or a name. The principal events of this interval will have to be noticed in our memoir of the Duke of Ormonde, the chief name of this transitionary period; and if virtue and goodness be

counted essential elements of greatness, well entitled to be esteemed the great man of his time.

The accession of Charles II., in 1660, excited many expectations and fears through both kingdoms, and several measures were adopted, which gave cause for satisfaction and discontent, so as to leave the different factions and parties eventually as they had been. The king had been served by many in his distresses, and came to the throne encumbered by promises, most of which he could not easily, and was not very intent to fulfil. Something was manifestly to be done for the security of his reign, and to quiet the more exacting of the strongest factions. The leanings of the king were to popery, but he was in the hands of the protestants, and more especially of the Puritan party.

It was in this position that a policy of compromise was found necessary. All parties were animated by mutual dislike, suspicion, and jealousy. All desired restoration to real or supposed rights, or to earned rewards. Many were emboldened to seize their former estates, and local contests followed which filled the country with fresh disorders, such as to create alarm and favour complaints of interested parties transmitted to the government; all seemed as the beginning of a new Rebellion. The Act of Indemnity then in preparation, was thus on the point of being rendered one of spoliation against all the old English proprietors. A proclamation against Irish rebels was published, and an Irish parliament proposed, for the security of the interests assumed to be endangered. This the king saw reason to postpone, in order to be first enabled to study at leisure how best to extricate himself from the embarrassment of conflicting rights, and arrive at some effective settlement.

This design was in no long time initiated by a declaration publishing the plan of a settlement, including several arrangements to establish the rights and claims of all parties, on principles of justice, and of their respective claims. These proposed settlements, as stated by Carte, whom we cannot afford to follow, appear strictly according to the equitable claims of the parties. Old possessions not determined by lawful forfeiture for rebellion were confirmed, as also those grants which had been the recompence of service-some too of forfeitures which were relinquished; and from some provision was made for innocent Papists; while several classes of persons implicated in rebellions specifically described by date, were excluded. It may be needless to say that suspicion and discontent soon appeared to be the more prominent effects of the proposed settlement. An Irish parliament was called, in 1661, to give it the sanction of law, and a commission was appointed for its execution. In this, all the difficulties, which must be conjectured by any one who may have followed the preceding outline, ensued. Though the rights of many were established or secured, many just claims were doomed to defeat, by intrigue and by stretches of power, and also by entanglements arising out of previous settlement; as also, further, by the entire deficiency of lands to meet many claims, thus leaving a wide scope for litigation and complaint to go into the sum of indigenous disorder and sectarian animosity.

Of these the rough and troubled succession presents little variety, and still less of necessary connection with the succession of historical events. The most noticeable character of the opening of James's ac

cession, is the repeal and resumption of whatever was done by his predecessor to correct or amend former abuses, or to reconcile old enmities. Feebleness and tyranny were unhappily united in the temper of the last of the Stuart kings. His accession was greeted by the triumphant exultation of the popish faction in both kingdoms. The wavering policy of Charles long continued to keep up an intense excitement in the Romish party in Ireland, who (not quite erroneously), considered him as favourable to their church, and looked to the prospect of a future intervention in their favour. The open adhesion of his brother seemed to confirm their hopes, and gave fuel to the fire of insurrection. James had for many years wholly devoted himself to the Romish faith, and with his brother, Charles, secretly cherished the design for its re-establishment in Ireland. This design was now openly avowed. Many of the best-known pages of English history tell of his conduct to advance this scheme, and of the results, fatal to his reign and to his race.

His accession was the signal for exultation among his popish subjects in Ireland, and for a considerable exchange of the feelings of either faction. The subdued and broken spirit of repressed disaffection caught once more a gleam of rabble patriotism, and prepared to seize the homes and altars of their Norman lords: these, on their part, shrunk from outrage and prepared for defence.

CHAPTER III.

James II.-Derry-William III.-Battle of the Boyne-Sieges of Athlone-AughrimLimerick-Final Siege and Capitulation.

The accession of James II. was the consistent winding up of the general policy of the Stuart line. Despotism, maintained on the fallacious maxim of the "divine right " of kings, falsely interpreted, was eventually to lead on the true and final establishment of British freedom on its constitutional basis. With the civil wars, suppressed by the iron hand and genius of Cromwell, were swept away the formal and legal pretexts of arbitrary power but they were still in a manner invested with the sanctions of custom, and rendered venerable by tradition. The Restoration insensibly revived many an old prejudice, which there was little in the comparatively lax tyranny of the royal voluptuary to render hateful. Charles was too sagacious, and too regardless of all that did not interfere with his private pleasure, to risk any decisive course which was likely to give public offence. Unlike his brother, he was not likely to be betrayed into peril by the errors of superstition. In common with James, he had long secretly given his allegiance to the Roman See; and they had concerted the means to steal in the authority and profession of the Popish church into Ireland, where it seemed least likely to meet effectual opposition.

The accession of James gave a strong impulse to his popish subjects,

to whom it seemed to carry the assurance of triumph to their church, and a full restoration to their claims.

The first steps of the new government promised to fulfil these expectations. Ormonde was removed from the lieutenancy, and substituted by two Lords Justices, who, though still Protestant, were regarded as popish in their leanings. James was aware of the expediency of avoiding the excitement of the Protestant party, by any harsh or summary display of his intended policy. To these a temporary advantage was thus secured, at the cost nearly of a popish insurrection; but James, profiting by favourable appearances, soon gave way to the impulses of his arbitrary nature and superstitious creed. He openly declared and acted upon his scheme to employ popish officers in England; and still more decidedly in Ireland. On the pretext of Monmouth's rebellion, he called in the arms of the militia. The general terror thus produced, with the earnest and undisguised exultation of the Papists, may be regarded as the inauguration of the great events which followed. We cannot afford to follow, in its details, the course of those measures and their immediate consequences, of which the main result to Ireland was the war which followed, and decided the main issue. For a time the disarming of the militia called out a swarm of bandits from their dens. Informers filled the ear of authority with whispers of Protestant conspiracy or private treason. The Earl of Tyrconnel was sent over from the king with specious instructions, which seemed to imply equal respect to both parties, but with a contrary understanding, fully confirmed by the king's policy at the same time pursued in England. Tyrconnel ordered that none but Roman Catholics should be allowed in the army. It was openly declared among them, that in a few months not one Protestant should remain in the army, and that the ancient proprietors would thus be enabled to recover their lands. Tyrconnel was vainly opposed by the Earl of Clarendon, who saw the consequence of this and other extravagant proceedings. Clarendon, who would not be a party to a policy both dangerous and dishonest, was soon dismissed. Sunderland was appointed in his room, and was bribed by a pension from Tyrconnel, whom he had appointed as Lord Deputy.

Tyrconnel was in one respect honest; he was a sincere fanatic in his political creed. He had an escape from the carnage of Drogheda, and carried his resentment against Cromwell so far as to propose to be his assassin; and when that heroic offer was not accepted, it was succeeded by a like threat against the Duke of Ormonde. He was noted for his utter disregard of every principle-a liar and a tyrant, a slanderer, and politically a swindler-committing public and private wrong on any false pretence. We should apologize for this summary judgment;-it could be more smoothly conveyed in the usual course of historic narrative, and by reference to the usual authentic writers. But it is necessary to pass on to consequences which leave no doubt of their antecedents. The Irish army was soon a fit organization for the designs of the royal bigot, and for the ends of the popish party. The Protestants, deprived of their arms, were driven into the service of the Prince of Orange. The corporation of Dublin was, with the same design, advised, with threats, to resign its charter. A deputation to the king was contumeliously rejected: a quo warranto issued, and, by perversion of

law, decided against this and other corporations. Popish corporations were established in their room, fitly accommodated to the Royal ends.

A like attempt was made on the University, with the addition of a robbery of their plate, too lawless to be quite successful in the end; but enough to leave its brand on the intention.

And now the elements of the hurricane, which was destined to sweep away these infamies from the land, were fully aroused, and in energetic activity;-administrative robbery, military victims, judicial favour, crime unrestrained, murder at will, trade at an end, and the power and patronage of the Crown wholly devoted to the dissolution of every law of civil right or social order.

In course of no long time, by the proceedings thus briefly summed, the Protestants were so completely divested of all civil rights and legal authority, that the adverse party were at liberty to exercise their factious and aggressive tendencies, in mutual contention. While this state of things was in its natural progress from deep to deeper disorder, a strong reaction was fast proceeding in England.

It is needless to trace what has been rendered so popularly familiar as James' precipitate career in the design to effect by his own authority in England, the same course of perversion which he had more successfully inaugurated in Ireland by his servants. He was interrupted in this rash and blind course by intelligence from Tyrconnel, received from Amsterdam, respecting William's design. The rumour spread rapidly in Ireland, and awakened on either side a general excitement of hope and terror; and the hasty arming of both parties. The English party proposed to seize the castle of Dublin; and on the other side a rabble started up, calling themselves the king's soldiers, and were maintained by indiscriminate plunder. They were stoutly resisted, and the country was soon filled with the noise of party strife.

Under such auspices, the Protestant party were soon exposed to plunder, both by stretch of legal wrong, and illegal violence; by informers and robbers of every rank and order. The act of settlement was repealed by a Bill in the Irish Parliament. An act of attainder was also passed, by which many Protestants who had retired either to England or to take service abroad, were condemned to the penalties of death and forfeiture, unless upon surrender within a limited time. Those who were included in this act amount to 2,461 persons of every rank and profession. To give the greater effect to this atrocious act, it was concealed until the limit of the time assigned for indulgence was expired. It was discovered by an accident, and the cowardly tyrant owned his shame by reproaching his Attorney General for an encroachment on the royal prerogative, by a clause which excluded the power of pardon after the 1st November 1689.

In the meantime, many lesser administrative acts, some to appease the fears and suspicions of his English subjects, some to raise money by arbitrary stretches of prerogative in Ireland, in which latter offence against people, parliament, and even his own advisers, he went to the most extreme and arbitrary lengths. We cannot venture to state in detail his swindling device to raise money by the adulteration of the current coin, or the cruel and base refinement upon fraud, by which (through the army) he contrived to turn the impoverishing consequence