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the rich, by giving him cheap foreign manufacture. It ought not to make food dear, whilst it made silks cheap.
The spirit of improvement is abroad, and the present oligarchical system, which produced these mischiefs, is rocking to its centre. England is interested equally with Ireland, more interested than Ireland in the prosperity of England.
Ireland consumes at present but a limitted portion of British manufactures—suppose ten millions of pounds worth per annum, (for I have not the documents before me, shewing the precise amount); but taking it at ten million at present, it is quite certain that it would rise to thirty millions at leastthat is, to three times the present amount by the natural and necessary result of Irish prosperity and Irish greatness.
The coal mines, the iron mines, the salt nines of England, gave her facilities for manufactures not possessed by any other nation on the face of the globe. The rich teeming soil of Ireland—her ever-verdant plains—her sunny hills and rich meadows—the luxuriant limestone districts, and the hardy and steady fertility of her gravelly mixture of soil, render her the fit nursing mother of her neighbouring artisans and operators by her superabundance of food.
“ Thus the efficient representation of Ireland, giving a natural stimulus to the one country, would be doubly beneficial to both, and in mutual prosperity, would increase in mutual strength and security.
“ I appeal for support to Protestants as well as Catholics. Protestants, as well as Catholics are equally interested in the prosperity and glory of Ireland.
"In my person the county of Clare has been insulted. The brand of degradation has been raised to mark me, because the people of Clare endure this insult, row that they can firmly but constitutionally efface for ever.
“ My friends, my beloved friends, Protestants and Catholics --they put me in nomination at the late election, O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele, have also been visited by a similar attempt. People of Clare, what are your sentiments towards the persecutors of O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele? You are not ignorant that they made themselves enemies by the activity, courage, and success, with which at a critical moment, in spite of every obstacle, and of every excitement, they preserved the peace of your country. You know how much bloodshed they prevented. The commission of the peace was never in the hands of men who so sedulously and successfully preserved the peace. But it was a crime in the eyes of some of our enemies, too great to be forgiven, that the king's peace was preserved. Now, again, I repeat the question—What are your feelings towards the persecutors of O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele? Any man who votes against me at the ensuing election, must be a man who joins the enemies of O'Gorman Mahon and Thomas Steele, and thinks that these estimable gentlemen ought to be visited with a paltry attempt to insult them, merely because they preserved the lives of the people, and nobly vindicated at the last election, the religion and liberties of the Catholics of Ireland.
“ It has been said that I am a stranger in Clare. Me a stranger in any part of Ireland ? Foolish and absurd. I am identified with the people of Clare in every thing that can identify man to man. All, however, I can claim, is the ratification of the former election. I ask only the sympathy of Clare upon the vacancy; I have a title to that sympathy by the community of interest and generous feeling and exalted resolves.
“ Catholic brothers, respected and esteemed Protestant, friends, I claim your suffrages on this occasion.
“ To my Catholic brothers, I say, that the protection of rights of the Catholics in Parliament, that the establishment of Catholic charities and schools, that the independent and permanent support of the Catholic clergy, that the integrity of the Catholic religious charities' societies, and in fine that the vindication of the principles and of the genuine purity of calumniated Catholic doctrines require that I should be in Parliament.
• To my esteemed and beloved Protestant friends, I say that the local interest of your country, the individual interest
of your resident gentry, and landed proprietors, the universal interests of Ireland, require that I should be in Parliament.
“ To both Catholic and Protestant friends, I would recall to mind, that we achieved emancipation in the most peaceful loyal and constitutional manner. We committed no offence, we were guilty of no crime, we destroyed no property, we injured no man's person, we affected no man's life. The glorious revolutions which gave us Catholic emancipation was affected without the destruction of one particle of any man's property, without the shedding of one drop of human blood. A sober, a moral and a religious people, cannot continue slaves; they become too powerful for their oppressors; their moral strength exceeds their physical powers, and their progress towards prosperity, and liberty is in vain opposed by the Peels and Wellingtons of society. These poor struggles for ancient abuses yield to a necessity which violates no law, and commits no crime; and having once already succeeded by these means, our next success is equally certain, if we adopt the same virtuous and irresistible means.
“ I conclude as I began. Electors of Clare, I have been illegally injured, and you have bee nunworthily insulted by that unworthy ministerial dexterity which deprived me of my right to represent you in Parliament. I call upon you to wipe away that injury, to blot out that insult, by sending me back to express my sentiments and yours, to the men who in so undignified a manner, injured me, and insults you. Protestants and Catholics, Friends and Brothers, I am your devoted servant
DANIEL O'CONNELL . London, May 25, 1829.
It may be supposed that this powerful address, although a mixture of sense and bombast, of truth and falsehood, of the height of vanity and the depth of flattery, did not fail to have its desired effect upon the willing and pliant electors of the county of Clare. Previously however to entering into a detail of the occurrences immediately following the decision of the House of Commons of the ineligibility of Mr. O'Connell to
take his seat, in consequence of his refusal to take the Oah of Supremacy, we shall enter into a brief exposition of the great triumph which Mr. O'Connell achieved in procuring for his countrymen their emancipation from their political disabilities, and wrested too from those very Ministers of the Crown, who had hitherto used the utmost of their power and influence to prevent any concession whatever being granted to the Catholics. In vain did those prototypes of moral virtue, those strict observers of all religious duties, the Dukes of York and Cumberland appear in the farcical theatre of hereditary wisdom, and sputter forth their anathemas against the reception of the Catholics into the body politic of the English people. In vain did the bigots and fanatics of the day blazon forth in letters of gold, the determination of the royal Dukes, “ to die like demigods” in support of the Protestant religionall passed away unheeded, (ex nihilo nihil fit,) the people of the country had become enlightened. They looked not to the creed of the individual as the criterion of his political integrity or his loyalty; Catholic emancipation was the tenure by which Ministers could keep their places, and, the ultimate attainment of it has placed upon the records of the parliamentary history of this country, a specimen of political tergiversation, the parallel of which cannot be found.
The result of the parliamentary discussions of the Catholic question of 1828, did not in in itself contain anything calculated to excite among the Protestant part of the community apprehension of an approaching change, and still less of the King's Ministers being ready to propose and support such a change, as a cabinet measure. The majority of six, which had carried the resolutions in favour of the Catholics in the House of Commons, was smaller than that which had carried the third reading of Mr. Plunkett's Relief Bill in 1821, and Mr. Canning's Bill in 1822, and the second reading of Sir Francis Burdett's Bill in 1825; while the majority of forty-five which had rejected them in the House of Peers, was larger than the majorities on the first and second of these former occasions, and only three votes smaller than that of 1825.
'The Catholic leaders themselves, indeed, pretended to know, that Government was inclined to lend a nore willing ear to their demands; but on the one hand, they did not act, as if they believed their own statements, for they immediately proceeded to do their utmost, to rouse Ireland into open rebellion; and on the other, there was nothing in the state of the Cabinet, nothing in the expressed sentiments of its principal members, nothing in the complexion of public feeling, that seemed to justify such a prospect. The Ministry continued to be, as for years it had been, divided upon the question; but its head, the Duke of Wellington, and Mr. Peel, the most influential of his colleagues, were precisely the men who had distinguished themselves by their opposition to the Catholic demands, on every ground both of right and of expediency. During the discussion of 1828, both of them, along with the Lord Chancellor, had expressed no inclination to desert the principles, which they had uniformly defended, and which had gained for the former two, on this particular question, the unlimited confidence of that large majority of the community which regarded concession to the Catholics, as dangerous and unconstitutional. On the 10th of May, 1828, Mr. Peel, in his place in Parliament, had ranked himself among those " in whose minds no disposition to change existed, but who rather found their original belief strengthened by consideration.” He had concluded a speech, in which he had proved the danger and unreasonableness of these demands in every point of view, with stating, that he had now gone over "the grounds on which he had acted, and on which he had avowed his intention of still acting.” During the autumn, indeed, the Catholic leaders had produced alarm over Ireland, as they had often done before, and organized the disaffected into a body ready for confusion and rebellion, but the country had not yet learned that an aptitude to yield to clamour and intimidation was one of the qualities of a wise and energetic government; and the long tried opponents of the Catholic claims had just been repeating their settled con