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the people rest satisfied that the gentlemen who command and the brave and disciplined soldiers who obey them, wil protect them from outrage or insult on the part of the Brus wicker or Blood-hound. We are about to give the protection of the laws to the persecuted Catholics; we will not only institute criminal prosecutions, but shall also annoy the oppressors of the people by civil actions. I know no better means of vexing an Orangeman and a persecutor than an attorney and a latitat. I know not either a better means of preventing the recurrence of outrage against the people. Before this day month 50 individuals will be sued in civil actions for Orange outrages. Every man of them shall have an opportunity of leaving to the decision of a Jury of his countrymen whether he has been guilty of outrage or not. The people shall find that they will have the protection of the law, and every solvent persecutor will learn what are the expences at law he may incur for inflicting an outrage upon them. So far, however, the efforts of the Blood-hound Clubs have been without success. They held a grand kennel on the 4th of November, in Dublin. But what was it composed of? There were four or five Peers; but what kind of Peers were they? They had, to be sure, Lords Glandine and Rathdowne, and some one of the Trenches called Lord Dunlo-I don't know whether Lord Blayney was there; but there was Lord Longford, who quarrelled with his own brother because he changed his sentiments on the Catholic Question, and would not change his principles to suit his interest. They had these Lords amongst them; but had they the wealth, and property, and rank of the Peerage? I forgot Lord Aldborough-he stole out of my recollection. There were amongst them seven Irish Representatives out of the one hundred. Can anything n'ore emphatically announce the state of the party, than that they could only get, even out of all the boroughs, seven desperadoes? Am I not entitled to count the other 93 for us? They have but seven Irish Members of Parliament, and of them there are but three or four County Members, and these shall not again be so. In Fermanagh and Cavan, preparations

have been made; and we shall, please God, shake three or four out at the next Election. In rising thus to address you, and perform my duty, I shall be obliged to trespass at some length upon your time. I do not rise for the purpose of display, nor shall my exertions be confined to a single speech; I rise for the purpose of recommending a series of measures for your adoption, and among the first is the organising of the freeholders in the counties of Fermanagh and Cavan, for the purpose of taking from the representation of Ireland four out of the seven who attended the Brunswick meeting in Dublin We are told by the newspapers of that party that they were, "delegates;" that was against the law, and I am glad to see Orangemen violate the law. Contrast their conduct with ours. We obey the law, and attend to the spirit of the letter; indeed, we only keep to the letter when the law is a bad one, but they violate both the spirit and the letter. It is however, an admirable precedent for us, when we shall have to repeal the Union by and by; when our emancipation will be granted, and when men will not inquire what is the religion of the other, but what can each effect that will be most useful, and advantageous to the country. The precedent, however, is undoubtedly useful, and the Attorney-General of that day may have to taunt the Attorney-General Joy of this. But at the Brunswick meeting sundry speeches were made, and in them all you will not find one particle of genius, one splended thought, or even handsome phraseology; not one idea that would not come from a boy of the third form, who had read a "Speaker." Oh! it grieves me to think that even bigotry itself should thus blight the genius and the glory of my country. -how far different is the scene presented. to us meetings? I am a hackneyed arguer--I shall not speak of the brilliant displays of eloquence by Mr. Sheil; but from every side there flash on us the sparkling gems of geniusimagery, poetry, fancy, all forming a wreath and a circle of glory round the fallen fortunes of Ireland. But I turn to the meetings of the Brunswick Club, and ask what beside the

have power to How different at one of our

making of miserable speeches did they do? Was their attention directed to the improvement of the country? Did they seek to promote commerce or manufacture, except indeed the manufacture of cutting throats? Did they seek to increase agricultural produce, or give additional means of employment to the poor, or in any way to better the condition of the people? there was not one single particle of all these touched upon by them. Were they assembled for purposes of utility? Was political economy touched upon by them? Did they say one word about remedying the abuses and corruption that existed in the present state of the representation, or the abo lishing of rotten boroughs, of having a check upon the Ministry, and a reform in Parliament? There were some amongst them who boast that they are the descendants of those who drove from the throne him whom they call a tyrant; who talk of their principles, and yet would not give to their fellowmen equal freedom. I put aside what was said by Mr. Moore, Colonel Conolly, and the Rev. Mr. Martin; I shall now give in a few words an epitome of every other speech that was made on this occasion. Hypocrisy marked the commencement of every speech-they began by saying they were no enemies of the Catholics. What then brought them there? Was it as our friends they assembled together to denounce us? The second part of their speeches were that they met in their own defence. This was more of the hypocrisy. If one man cut another's throat, will it be any satisfaction to his friends to hear that the assailant had done it in his own defence? This reminds me of a fellow at a fair, who beat an unarmed manand when he was taken up and tried for it, his excuse was, "I was defending myself." So they would cut our throats, and then say they were defending themselves. But what are the Brunswickers alarmed at-what single act have the Catholics done, that they should be afraid of us-all we want is our civil rights, and their defence against us for this attempt is to cut our throats. Every speech ended with the cry of "No surrender!" If any man had the misfortune, which I had, of reading through the different speeches made at that meeting,

and which I was obliged to do, in order to remark upon them, he would find that all the speeches were the same-they first said that they were not our enemies-next that our throats should be cut in their defence, and then they ended with the cry of "No surrender." Colonel Conolly spoke of the march of intellect, and there was a cry of down with it-and then he spoke of O'Connell, and there was a cry of " down with him." I feel much obliged for the compliment that was thus paid to me by coupling my name with the "march of intellect" But if "intellect" were on the march, it should indeed make long counter-march before it could reach the worthy Colonel Conolly. But they are quite right in crying out "down with the march of intellect," for unless intellect be completely extinct, they never can retain the ascendancy of which they have been so long unjustly possessed; but it is advancing rapidly-the bats should now seek to conceal themselves from the light which the sun of reason and intelligence is spreading over the world, and they ought in time to betake themselves to their holes and corners. The next speech worthy of particular observation was that made by the Member for Dublin. said he was a lover of liberty-I believe he is, for he took great liberties with the Catholics, and still greater with history. He said he would not allow the Catholics freedom, because the Catholic religion was found inconsistant with political liberty. Now this gentleman has his one thousand a year-a sinecure of which he takes particular care, and he also belongs to what is called "a learned profession," and he really ought to learn a little of history. Making such an assertion as that, I would take any little boy of four or five years old to ask him how many republics were Protestants, and how many Catholics, and the Honourable Member would be obliged to answer all were Catholic except one, or two at the utmost. Was not William Tell a Catholic?-was not the republic of Venice Catholic, which maintained its independence for 800 years, and for 700 years struggled against an engrossing oligarchy ?-. were not the republics of Genoa, Florence, and Lucas Catho

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lic;

and Mariano a republic, under the very nose of the Pope Let him look to South America, and will he not find Repub lics there established by Catholics? I love the man whe opposes us, because he fairly imagines that our religion is is consistent with liberty; if it were so, he would be right in opposing us, and I think it is a subject well worthy of corsideration. I would show him that of the reformed religion of the States that had representative governments. Holland wa one which immediately degenerated into a Statdholdership, merely governed by one person. When Geneva became Protestant, it lost its liberty; and the ferocious Calvin there put to death men for differing in opinion with him, and encou raged the establishment of laws against witchcraft, which had caused one hundred and fifty murders within fifty years Geneva was free till the Protestant Bernese conquered it; and Geneva, therefore, should be rather considered a reproach to the Protestants. Sweden was free until the Reformation was established in it, and Denmark was free until the Reformation struck down its liberties. What a contrast then does history present to us of the effects of the two religions; and is it not barbarous then thus to calumniate a religion which makes us tremblingly alive to the maintenance. of political rights and avoidance of private wrong? The next speech that was made was by a Mr. Martin; and I saw, with great astonishment, that speech praised by the Evening Post; it was, in my opinion, nothing but paltry doggrel; the merest nonsense that ever was strung together, and nothing but a threadbare repetition of Phelan and Mortagh O'Sullivan. By the bye, I could call on some of my young friends to look to the newspapers, and they will find, that at the time we used to meet in Fishamble-street, a speech in favour of Emancipation was made by Mortagh O'Sullivan, or his brother; but the truth is, the speech of the Junior Fellow means this; my chambers are empty; Brunswickers, send me your children, in order that I may educate them; it was an advertisement. The worthy fellow rang a bell for his pupils,

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