He seems to nod assent to that proposition. What then, is this his constitutional doctrine, that the voters are the property of their landlords? that they are part of the live stock of the estate, and may, with the rest of the cattle, be driven to the market of corruption by the slave driver of the estate? But no, no, he is greatly mistaken; the men of Kerry cannot be so controlled. I admit, there are some of them at present involved in their landlords' toils; but if the contest had continued, we should have shown him, that no authority could have forced the humblest Catholic of this county to vote against their conscience, their religion, and their country. The peasantry of Ireland are calumniated by their enemies, and often forsaken by their friends, but they are as faithful as they are hrave, and when they like the cause, can as little be corrupted as intimidated. I dismiss the assertion that he, who represents Catholics almost exclusively, owes those Catholics no obligation, I come to that, which boasts of his services to those Catholics, services which I utterly deny. He gives himself out as a patron. Sir, there is nothing fills my heart with a more bitter sense of degradation and indignity, than that my equals, that men to whom neither birth, nor for tune, nor education, nor, I humbly conceive intellect, can give any claim to superiority over me, should come upon me with the air of patronage and protection. It is really the most insufferable insult which the iniquity of the penal code inflicts on the Catholics to subject them to this affectation of patronage. Sir, I will not be patronized by Colonel Crosbie. In this county, thank God, in all the relations of private life, religious distinctions are utterly unknown. We have each of us our dearest friends, our nearest connexions, our closest relations of different sects and persuasions: and this difference never interrupts the harmony of our families or the intercourse of friendship or business. Kerry exhibits, what all Ireland would be, if those odious distinctions were abolished; we never think of religious differences, except when it is forced on us by the injustice of the laws. I have therefore no hesitation in describing the penal code in the hearing of my Protestant friends

and relations in its true colours. The penal code, sir, is a punishment to the Catholics; but it is also a disgrace to the Protestants. (Loud and long continued applause from all varts of the court house.) Yes, sir, the penal code most unjustly punishes the Catholics for adhering to the faith of their fathers; but it, at the same time inflicts (and I say it in sorrow, not in reproach) a merited disgrace on the Protestants, for allowing conscientious belief to be a cause for punishment. But that disgrace has another source: it stands prominent on a two-fold basis; first it is founded on a direct violation of a solemn treaty; secondly, it is founded on the basest of all possible principles, the principle of religious intolerance. With respect to the first, the Treaty of Limerick, solemnly made and deliberately ratified, confirmed in the most express terms religious liberty to the Catholics of Ireland. The history of the world does not afford perhaps, so strong, so direct, so unequivocal a breach of public faith and national honour, as that of the Protestants of this empire, in the violation of that treaty. There was not a shadow of excuse, there was not a particle of pretence for that violation. It was a plain and undisguised contempt of good faith and solemn compact, unknown to the history of the most savage and barbarous nations Such is the stain that colours the vote of Protestantism in these counties; such is the disgrace which the Protestants of Kerry are anxious to remove from their Christian worship; but which must ever remain a bye-word and a reproach, until the Catholics of Ireland shall be placed, where the Treaty of Limerick put them, on a footing of perfect equality with their Protestant fellow-subjects. Yes, Sir. the second ground of reproach is much stronger, in my judgement. A compact, once violated, seems no longer to bind those who were not actual parties to it. Let my Protestant brethren have the benefit, even of this excuse, however idle and insufficient it may appear to a just or philosophical mind. But who shall excuse Protestantism for an adherence, at this enlightened period of the world, to the principle of religious intolerance? Protestantism is founded on an individual assertion of liberty of conscience ; yet

it contradicts its own first principle, it denies to others that, without which it could itself have no existence. Surely, it is no slight reproach, that at this time of the day, there should be found a nation, calling itself free and enlightened, which still interferes with conscience, and presumes to punish any man for worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of his conscience. I know of no injustice so great, as that which interposes between man and his Creator, and declares that the Christian shall not be sincere in his religious belief with impunity, which holds out a reward to hypocrisy, and makes lip-service more valuable than the innate devotion of the heart. I like to dwell on these principles, because these are the principles which the Catholics of Ireland always assert and vindicate. These are the principles which Catholic States and people carry into practical effect; and have the glory of being almost the only, I believe I may say, the only religious community who have carried them into practical effect. On this subject I delight to dwell on the example of Maryland, a Catholic State which was the first, that after the Reformation, allowed perfect liberty of conscience. I cannot dwell on this State. Bavaria, hitherto described as one of the most bigotted of the Catholic States, has within these few weeks, granted complete and unqualified emancipation to its Protestant subjects. The first example, Maryland; the last example, Bavaria, of religious liberty, has been given by Catholic States. Can we forget the bright example set by the Catholic Parliament of Hungary? the Diet, which about 20 years ago, unanimously emancipated their Protestant brethren. In France, too, the very Bourbons have been obliged to yield to the force of religious liberty; and the laws, in Catholic France, throw no distinction between Protestant and Catholic. Where will my friends of the Protestant persuasion find in their church such instances of liberality? Need I remind them, that a Catholic King has long reigned over Protestant Saxony, with such a tender care for the consciences of his Protestant subjects, as to have always been, whether Elector or King, one of the most popular monarchs in the universe. So stands the true

state of the comparison. The Protestant talks of liberality, but continues a bigotted exclusion. The Catholic is calumniated and excluded by his Protestant fellow Christian, and yet affords the first, the last, and the brightest and best examples of religious liberty. The Protestants of Kerry, who have always exhibited in public and private, the true spirit of Christian liberality, will feel that I do them but justice, when I fully acquit them of any share in the disgrace of religious iutolerance. It is, indeed, to them chiefly that I submit Col. Crosbie's claims on Catholic gratitude, I call on my Protestant friends to investigate those claims, and to decide whether I am right or wrong in denying them. that Col. Crosbie gives the Catholics the benefit of a silent vote on each annual discussion of our question; that is the sum and substance of his services; but what a miserable mockery and delusion this is. He gives away every other vote to support the present intolerant administration in Ireland; he is the friend and supporter, on every other occasion, of our most unrelenting and bitter enemies, the Irish Cabinet. The ministry is strangely dove-tailed and put together. Three of the Cabinet ministers in England are friendly to emancipation; four of the British Cabinet are hostile to religious liberty; and Ireland, which one would think ought to belong to the liberal part, is really consigned to the bigotted part of the ministry. Accordingly, the administration of Ireland is handed over to those avowed agents of intolerance, Lord Manners, Mr. Saurin, and Peel; the latter of whom has realized the ludicrous expression of Shakspeare, and is literally a deputy over the Lord-lieutenant. Now this is the administration which Col. Crosbie anxiously supports and sustains, and thus he counteracts most completely the one vote he gives for us, by the hundred votes he gives to keep our decided enemies in power. The Catholics of Kerry are not to be deluded. Such members as Col. Crosbie are, in truth, the worst enemies of the Catholics; because they disguise themselves under the pretence of being our friends. They are the props and pillars of the very bitterest and most

unrelenting opponents the Catholics ever had; and it is really an insult to the Catholics of Kerry, to think they can be thus duped; we have too much common sense not to see through the delusion; and those, who support Col. Crosbie in this county should know, that if he continues in the present Parliament to be the constant advocate of this bigotted and intolerant administration, they must allow themselves to be the most mischiev ous enemies of Catholic Emancipation, the country can produce. I repeat I am not the enemy of Col. Crosbie. Let him imitate the Knight of Kerry, and he shall have my vote. Let him cease to befriend the enemies of the Catholics, whom neither he nor his patron can delude, and we will become his friends. He is about entering into a busy scene. The next session is likely to produce important results. Corruption and bigotry have met with nothing but defeat and disgrace in England. It was in vain the Courier raised the war-whoop of "No Popery" against Wood and Waithman. It was in vain that the prototype of beastly jollification, Sir William Curtis, swore upon a rock of Bibles that he would vote against our emancipation. London has gloriously vindicated itself. Sir William has, in vulgar phrase, suited to his capacity, been kicked out, and the friends of civil and religious liberty, and above all, of parliamentary reform, have been returned. In Southwark, two distinguished reformers, the liberal Calvert, and Wilson, the soul of modern chivalry, have been elected. In Westminster, Romily stands at the head of the poll. Romily, the most useful man that ever entered the House of Commons. Romily, who in a profession, servile to a proverb, has preserved the most pure independence, stands at the head of the poll; and I have the consolation to announce that the packet, which has arrived this moment, gives the delightful intelligence that Sir Francis Burdett is a-head of the ministerial candidate. Yes, there is a redeeming spirit abroad, the genius of the constitution is walking forth in its native dignity, the miserable farce of parliamentary jobbing will soon terminate. The Union has rendered Ireland sluggish and torpid; but Ireland, too, is beginning to arouse, she will awake, like a giant refreshed