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CHAPTER V.

THE dissolution of Parliament in 1818 brought Mr. O'Connell upon the stage of the political world. It appeared as if a new and mighty spirit had began to move upon the old surface of things, slowly and profoundly agitating the ancient elements of social order, to heavings which gave token of some important and approaching birth. Whether at this time there were knowledge and skill enough among mankind to secure any advantage from the revolution of the old orders, must be left for futurity to disclose, but that something like this would take place, was not only rendered probable to our imaginations by the assertions of wise and experienced men, but it was necessarily inferred from the condition of all the nations in Europe. Nothing could be more interesting to those, who were capable of extensive and remote preceptions, than the disparity, the evident impotence of contrast on one side, and the leviathan prowess on the other, that was observable between the old habit of ruling, and the new assumptions of public sentiment. Assuredly, if we could participate correctly in the reflections of statesmen and philosophers, there was a new spring time of moral glory coming on for mankind, that would satisfy and establish for ever the maxims and declarations of the wise and good, which have been so frequently pronounced in favour of virtue and liberty, but the fulfilment of which had been so long kept back from the world by the sneers of wicked fools, the heartless ambition of crafty knaves, and the want of resolution and principle among the human race generally. So settled obdurate, so lasting to all appearance was the crust of partial government which inclosed the mighty waters of popular power, it was thought they had subsided for ever. Improvements or alterations in government were till very lately looked upon as either very impracticable or very wicked those, who talked about them were suspected, those who wished for them were hated, and those, who strove to bring them about were

dishonoured, imprisoned and killed. The different states were talked of as so many lasting modes of principle, and the most extravagant and stupid despotisms were admitted as eternal identification of social order. It was an error in moral calculation, arising from the inexperience of the world; there was a suspension of the active principles which disturbed the moral chaos, and its temporary tranquillity was mistaken for its final adjustment. Kings, priests, and philosophers, were almost equally agreed upon the duration of the modes that existed, and their forms were considered as fixed and unchanging as the trees and rocks of the material world. In short, it was a matter of grave prophecy to prognosticate a change in these things, and most of all was discredited any soothsaying, which pretended that the world could ever be governed by a common standard of principle and reason. The thing is however, not so monstrous a supposition as was then conceived, and it may be boasted of, as one of the grand and honourable attributes of our times, that they have revealed the symptoms of the approach of this new and glorious birth, which is destined ultimately to bring the world under the dominion of unprejudiced sense and unqualified honesty. We are struck with these reflections on finding that the triumph of popular principle which was achieved over the settled authority of corruption by the reform bill, has actually carried a vibration of sympathy into the cities of some of our most distant and hostile continental neighbours, and that in spite of all the preventions which the selfishness and misconduct of nations have placed in the way of fellow feeling, the people of Europe are really beginning to feel for one another. The irresistible voice of the English reformers has penetrated into the gloomy halls of the Escurial, and it has been responded to from the banks of the Tagus; the murmur of it has been heard in the palaces of the Russian autocrat, and the despots of Europe will soon be taught that the sovereignty of a nation is vested in the people, and that if kings be tolerated, it is only on the condition that the power with which they are vested shall be used for the benefit and not for the oppression of the people. In some of the late movements on the continent, which we will

for very obvious reasons not particularize, there is the proof of a growing spirit, which will in the end control the world, not to be quelled by the bayonet or the sword. There is not a nation of Europe that has not sighed for its emancipation from the shackles of its despotic rules; some have petitioned for it, and their petitions have been rejected-some have demanded it, and their demand has been refused-England for a time petitioned and demanded, neither was attended to, and therefore she very wisely and boldly set about to help herself to what she wanted. The people were firm and they wrenched from a domineering aristocracy the rights and privileges, so long with held but to which they were entitled by the constitution of the country. Yet all this would have passed off for nothing, if it had been attempted individually, as was proved in the case of France; it is only when the whole of Europe feels the wish, the ardent longing for general liberty that the separate happiness of any one state can be secured. It is most honourable for our times that this new political sympathy has dawned on them; it is well for Ireland that the voice has penetrated to her mountains, and that her champions are in the field to obtain for her her legitimate rights, or declare themselves a separate and independent nation.

Heartily and especially do we rejoice in the discovery of the luminations of liberal and enlightened principles over the dreary waste of Ireland; there have been things done and said which might almost be taken for forebodings of her speedy redemption from the manifold mischiefs which harrass and degrade her. There was always virtue enough in Ireland; there was always wit enough in her scholars, and valour enough in her heroes to lead the people to liberty and happiness; but hitherto there has been a want of political intellect amongst the mass of her people, which has prevented them from knowing the shortest and safest roads, and hence they have been so frequently surprised, ambuscaded, betrayed and desolated in their march. They have now, however, entered a more open field, where there are no hedges to cover hypocrisy and perfidy, while they go about withering the very vitals of the common weal with their secret and deleterious

mischiefs. If the spirit which now pervades the whole of Ire land fulfil its hopes, we shall soon be able to say to her, arise, shine, for the light is come, and the glory of freedom is risen upon thee.

The foregoing remarks have been drawn from us by the political state of Ireland, during the general election of 1818, in which Mr. O'Connell stood forth as the undaunted champion of liberty and toleration and in which the power of his influence was exercised in a most extraordinary degree, in procuring the return of those persons to Parliament who would advocate the cause of Catholic Emancipation, and the redress of all those grievances and disabilities, which weighed so heavily upon the Irish people.

It was at the election for the county of Kerry, that the eloquence of Mr. O'Connell made his opponents quail before him, and in whose speech were contained certain passages which went home to the breast of every Irishman, and placed him on a pinnacle of fame, from which the confederated power of the English aristocracy has not been able to hurl him,

At the election of Kerry, Mr. Denny was invited to offer himself as a candidate, but declined, and in his place a Colonel Crosbie was put in nomination, a stiff, uncompromising Protestant, whose imagination conjured up the most hideous phantoms in the admission of the Irish people to equal laws and equal rights, and who was therefore a very unfit person to be sent to Parliament, at a time when the question of Catholic Emancipation would become one of the principal subjects under discussion. To prevent this return, Mr. O'Connell put forth his gigantic powers, and on the Knight of Kerry being proposed and seconded, he addressed the electors, and began by shortly commenting on the speech, which had been rather read than spoken, by Col. Crosbie. He then said that he attended that election with a double motive; First, to insure, as far as one humble individual could do, the return of the Knight of Kerry; and secondly, to assist in procuring a substitute in Mr. Denny, for Col. Crosbie. The first of these objects, which was that in which he was most deeply

interested, had been fully obtained. It was his first and leading wish, had it been amply gratified. In fact, the return of the Knight of Kerry never was for one single moment doubtful; and the private virtues, and public services of that distinguished gentleman, placed him without a rival or an opponent, foremost in the affection and choice of his countrymen. In his second object, those who thought with him had failed. An amiable young gentleman, the heir of a most ancient and honourable family, possessing a splendid patrimony, which it was his intention to live upon amongst them; a young gentleman of classical education, and most liberal and enlightened views, the early advocate and hereditary friend of religious liberty; Mr. Denny has been disappointed in his expectations of representing this great enlightened county; and the representation of this county was once more, and he trusted for the last time handed over to a single lord, and his nominee, Colonel Crosbie. It was a duty which the friends of the independence of the county and of Mr. Denny owed to themselves, and their country. men to explain how so disastrous a circumstance had occurred. The fact was, that the registry of freeholders, as usual in Ireland was deferred until the last moment, and the far greater number of votes were registered last year. On the Ventry estates, members were registered in March and April 1817. On the other estates, the registry took place in July, August, and September. This accident gave an apparent superiority to Colonel Crosbie which although apparent only and not real, served to terrify some of the friends of Mr. Denny from the contest. For his part, he had examined the registry and examined it closely, and he could truly assert, that if the contest had proceeded, there would have been a majority of at least 300 voters in the popular interest. His sentiment therefore was for ever sed diis aliter viseim. An overwhelming desire to preserve what was called, the peace of the county, allowed that county to sink into the repose of a borough, and while the advocates of reform liberty rejoiced in the unquestionable success of the knight of Kerry, the friends of public peculation, and of the ministry, might shout at the victory of Colonel Crosbie. It

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