this-"instant, present as regards time;" and Dr. Johnson says "Prior was wrong; he should not have written more immediate' because nothing can be more immediate than the present point of time." Now, as regards the word "unconditional" also, on reference to this high authority, I find that Dr. Johnson does not admit that there is such a word in the English language (though I confess candidly I should have fallen into the same error as the Noble Lord has done, if I had had occasion to use, what with him I thought was an English word, "unconditional"). There is no such word in this edition of Johnson; the word is "unconditionable;" and the definition is, "absolute, not limited by any time."

The petition was ordered to lie on the Table.
Several NOBLE LORDS.-Order of the Day!

LORD SUFFIELD.-I have some other petitions which I must claim a right to present. The Noble Baron has been pleased, night after night, to lecture my Noble Friend at the head of his Majesty's Government, and therefore I cannot be offended when he takes upon himself to lecture me, the more particularly when he offers such good advice, and affords so good an example, in his own person, of not making speeches which shall have the effect of delaying the business of the House. In what I have said or done, the only object that I have had in view has been-to do justice to those who have confided their petitions to my care; and, therefore, I shall refrain from making any further observations at present. I now beg to present the petition from the inhabitants of Wells near the Sea; and they pray that immediate steps may be taken for the immediate abolition of negro slavery.

LORD ELLENBOROUGH.-That appears to me to be nonsense. LORD SUFFIELD.-If the Noble Lord cannot see the difference between "immediate" and "immediate steps," that is not my fault; but in justice to myself, I must say that in consequence of some observations of the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government having been misrepresented, I felt it to be my duty, as representing the wishes of these petitioners, to come down on the following day; but the Noble Earl was not here. I came down again on the Saturday; but again my Noble Friend was not here; and I have, therefore, taken the first opportunity that offered for presenting these petitions, with the view of affording an explanation of the views of the Anti-Slavery Society; and of obtaining from the Noble Earl a confirmation of the misrepresentation which has been put upon what he said.

EARL GREY.-It certainly, my Lords, is not my intention in consequence of anything which has passed to-night, to be drawn into a discussion of this, I admit, most important question. And I so far agree in opinion with the Noble Baron opposite, that it is desirable, as we have important business coming before us, that an immediate end should be put to this conversation. Every Noble Lord will know what I mean by using the word "immediate." But, my Lords, I feel myself called upon to state that I cannot confirm what my Noble Friend (Lord Suffield) has stated, as to the words

he supposes me to have used on a former night. Upon that occasion I commented upon the word “immediate," and I stated the great anxiety I felt that the slaves in the West Indies should be emancipated; but I also most certainly did say that that object must be accomplished in a manner that should secure the safety of all parties.

The petitions were ordered to lie on the Table.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

POSTPONEMENT OF MOTION.

THURSDAY, APRIL 18.

Mr. STANLEY.-Perhaps I may take the opportunity of giving notice, with respect to a motion which, at present, stands in the name of my Noble Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for Tuesday next-I mean the motion relative to colonial slavery. Undoubtedly, that is a question upon which it is important that the views of the Government should be stated to the House and the country at as early a period as possible. At the same time, looking into all the circumstances of the case, and especially at the changes which have recently taken place,* I hope I shall not be trespassing too largely upon the indulgence of the House, if I ask to be allowed to postpone the motion from Tuesday next, till Tuesday the 14th of May.

LORD SUFFIELD.-I have a considerable number of petitions to present to your Lordships, on the subject of colonial slavery; but, before I do this, I beg to submit a motion to the House the object of which is, the production of a document of great public interest and importance. It will, doubtless, be recollected by your Lordships, that, at an early period of the present Session, a Minister of the Crown, in the other House of Parliament, declared it to be the intention of his Majesty's Government to propose a measure for the settlement of the slavery question, that should be safe and satisfactory. This announcement, for a time, contented the public; but,

Mr. Secretary Stanley's acceptance of the Seals of the Colonial Department, as successor to Viscount Goderich, was announced to the House of Commons on the 28th ult.

shortly before the recess, rumours were afloat that the measure contemplated by the Government, was of a partial or protracted nature. I took an opportunity of stating to your Lordships the consternation which these rumours excited in my own mind, and predicted that they would produce a similar effect on the mind of the public. In this instance I was a true prophet. Public meetings were held in various parts of the United Kingdom-not hole-andcorner meetings--but meetings attended by hundreds and thousands of persons, in Dublin, Cork, and Belfast--in Edinburgh, Glasgow, Paisley, Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield--in Exeter and Gloucesterin fact, in almost every large and populous town throughout the empire. The result of these meetings was, the determination to select persons of intelligence and respectability to represent to his Majesty's Ministers, personally, in the character of deputies, the feelings and opinions of their constituents-the people resident in their several districts. They, to the number of 339, arrived in London; and, on Friday last, attended at the Colonial Office,— there had an interview with the Secretary of State,-and presented to him certain resolutions, and a memorial, upon which they had agreed. Edifying and instructive as these would be to your Lordships, I am desirous that a copy of them should be laid upon your Table; you will then be enabled to ascertain what are the feelings of the people of England on the subject of negro slavery. I know it is said that petitions are easily obtained; but it is not so easy to obtain the attendance of deputies from every part of the empire, at great expense, and at the sacrifice of their personal convenience, to represent the feelings of the people, unless those feelings should be, as they are in this instance, of very unusual strength and anxiety. In fact, I believe this to be an unprecedented occurrence, and it cannot fail to make a deep impression on your Lordships. How could the value of such testimony be depreciated in public estimation? The only mode that could be adopted was, to represent the deputation,-not constituted as it was; but as a deputation from the Anti-Slavery Society. It was so represented in several newspapers-in some, I have no doubt, inadvertently-but, I have as little doubt, in others, with the design of detracting from the importance of the proceeding. Now, my Lords, in contradiction of the erroneous statement to which I have referred, I beg to acquaint your Lordships, that, with one single exception, a Member of the House of Commons who attended for the purpose of introducing the deputies to the Secretary of State, no one Member of the London Anti-Slavery Society was present on that occasion, unless he appeared there in the character of a deputy, from some district in which he had been appointed. I shall now move" that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to direct a copy of the resolutions and memorial presented to the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, by certain deputies from various parts of the United Kingdom, relative to the abolition of slavery, on Friday, the 19th instant, to be laid before this House." I believe no objection will be made by his Majesty's Government to the production of these documents.

Tw

I am concerned, individually-or as a Government,—I can have no objection ...on of this memorial, provided there be no But I must say, that I have considerable urporting to be a memorial addressed to me, rescuted to others of his Majesty's Ministersndeed, whether it be such a paper as, acthe House, can be called for to be laid upon mere do I doubt that it can be called for through dress to his Majesty. That is the only difficulty as the memorial is very ably drawn, and that it is

ention. I have no doubt it is most respectably by the Noble Baron; and I believe, also, that it wase of a great portion of his Majesty's subjects on which it refers. The memorial and the resolutions o Mr. Stanley and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for I was not able to attend to the interview. They of course, transmitted to me; but I must consider a private, and not a public document. Having stated ubject, I shall now leave it with the House to deteraccording to the course of your Lordships' proor cannot be produced?

I beg to confirm what the Noble Baron has stated, having been called in various parts of the kingdom,

what has lately transpired on this subject; and I Meaty's Government, as a West India proprietor, to one measure for the settlement of this question,— when it is likely to be produced? All I wish for is, that

of this question should take place on such a basis as 5. comfort and happiness of the slaves themselves, and To all parties concerned. I beg to tell his Majesty's my slaves are in a very disorganized state; and, der that the sooner the question is settled the he daves to enjoy every comfort that their condition and, as a proof of that fact, let me mention, that my, ever since I came into possession of my West

the death of my father,-from 400l. to 500l. auber has increased, in that period, from 129 to

ROLAN-I apprehend that this is a motion which thee for your Lordships to accede to, either as a vodu, non of papers, in the ordinary form, or by way Now Majesty. It appears to me that, on the same We Lord might put the question for the production pondence, which might pass between any Noble

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or body of persons, whatever; and I confess petunt that such a precedent should be laid down. we well aware we are all of us sufficiently inmemorial is, it having already appeared in print. son, I am only anxious that I should not lend

myself to establish a precedent for calling for the production of documents which are of a private, and not of a public nature.

LORD SUFFIELD.-I believe that Noble Lords, who suppose these documents to be already in print, are greatly mistaken. I am not aware that they are printed for circulation, as imagined by the Noble Earl (Rosslyn) who has just addressed the House. Then, as to their being of a private character, I cannot understand how they can be so considered. A memorial, presented to the Secretary of State, in his official capacity, by 339 persons, in the face of day-can this be considered a private letter? Surely, if there ever was a public document, this must be one. Next, as to the danger of precedent, it is competent to Ministers to refuse any document that may, in future, be moved for, if they deem its production to be inexpedient. But supposing this to be a private letter, I can conceive no objection to its being laid upon the Table, with the consent of the Government to which it was addressed. If Noble Lords are determined to shut their eyes upon this subject, and refuse to learn what are the feelings of the people upon it, they may regter my motion; but it is clear that the objection to it is not made by my Noble Friend (if I may be permitted to call him so) at the head of his Majesty's Government; for he, with the liberality that always distinguishes his character, consents to the production of the documents.

The MARQUIS of LANSDOWNE.-I apprehend there is no objection whatever on the part of his Majesty's Government that this document should be produced, if it could be done in a regular form. But, if it is a private document, neither an Order of this House, nor any proceeding by Address to his Majesty, can make it a public one. It is true that, upon an understanding, a private letter may be produced (for of this course of proceeding there have been many instances); but then it can only be by consent of the parties to the correspondence that it can be laid upon the Table. I apprehend that to agree to an Address to his Majesty, to make an Order of the House for the production of this document, would lay a foundation for a precedent of extreme inconvenience.

LORD ELLENBOROUGH.-I think it would be equally inconvenient, whether this document were produced upon an understanding or by order. I object to its production, however, on the score of the expense it would occasion, should it subsequently be thought proper to be printed. Besides, it would contain only an ex parte statement in any case; and I do protest, my Lords, against the Anti-Slavery Society putting forth their opinions by such means as these. I think that such a proposition is rather too strong.

LORD SUFFIELD.-The Noble Baron says that the document for which I have moved "is an ex parte statement" of the Anti-Slavery Society. I must express my surprise at this assertion, after I have declared that the resolutions and the memorial were the resolutions and the memorial of deputies from different parts of the empire, and were presented, as such, to the Secretary of State. He surely must have heard my statement, and if he did, I am at a loss to understand