THE PRESENT STATE OF CHRISTENDOM,

AND THE

INTEREST OF ENGLAND, WITH REGARD TO FRANCE. In a Letter to a Friend, 1677.

The subject of this treatise is of that consequence, that it needs no recommendation, in the present posture of affairs; and the interest of every state of Christendom, to oppose and curb the ambition of France, is here so clearly and justly described and proved, that nothing can be added to its perspicuity and strength of argu

ment.

You gave me a brief and a pertinent deduction, the other day, of

the French practices and designs; the progress of their arms, and the methods of their proceedings: together with a scheme of the inevitable ruin, and slavery, that threatens Europe, without a speedy and a powerful conjunction, against them. After this general contemplation of the present state of Christendom, you were pleased to take a particular prospect of the interest of this nation; and how far we are to reckon ourselves concerned in the common calamity: coming, at last, to this conclusion, that England cannot reasonably expect to stand long, after the loss of Holland and Flanders. For the support of this opinion (besides the force of your own reasoning) you referred me to several historical and political treatises upon the subject; which I have diligently examined, and made use of, in this following discourse; wherein I take the freedom to give you my thoughts upon the whole

matter.

Your first charge upon the French was, breach of faith; and you pitched upon the cases of Spain and Portugal; the barbarous usage of the Duke of Lorrain; and the nulling of the Most Christian Queen's renunciation upon marriage; (which was the very foundation of the Pyrenean treaty) by a pretended devolution of the Spanish Netherlands in the right of that match: their underhand tampering of Denmark and Sweden, to draw the one from us, and hinder the other from joining with us; the influence they had upon our disgrace at Chatham ; their playing booty on both sides, betwixt England and Holland, in the Dutch war and to these instances (which are all so notorious, that they need no expounding) you might have added a thousand more of the like quality. But these may suffice for a seasonable and a necessary caution, and without the helps of aggravation and clamour; especially that extraordinary action of destroying the queen's renunciation, and then invading the Spanish Netherlands upon it: an action, hardly to be paralleled in the story of the whole world, for a concurrence of so many enormous circumstances. There was in it the publick faith of

the two crowns; which is the only security of government, and the bond of human society: there was in it the solemnity of an oath, at the very altar; which is the most sacred tye of a Christian: there was also the highest profession and assurance of friendship imaginable; which is accounted one of the most binding obligations betwixt man and man and then there was a brother, a cousin, and an infant, in the case; which makes it matter of humanity and honour. And yet all these cords were as easily broken as bulrushes. This single precedent may serve, however, for a warning to all princes, and states, not to leave themselves at the mercy of men of such principles. But his Most Christian Majesty is not the only prince, that has been abused by corrupt and ambitious ministers.

Your next observation was, that they are the greatest intermeddlers in the world, in other people's affairs; that they imbroil all wherever they come; and that there is hardly any rebellion, but they are in the bottom of it. For their money walks in all the courts and councils of Christendom; nay, and beyond it too; for it is said, that the last grand visir was their pensioner. Was it not France, that debauched Scotland first, and afterwards, England, into the late rebellion? Nay, did they not stand still, and look on, to see the crowning of the work, which they themselves began, in the execrable murther of the late king? And did they not refuse to our gracious and persecuted sovereign, that now is, even a retreat in their dominions? How did they prolong the war in Portugal? What havock have they made in Poland, and what work in Hungary? And are they not, at this day, in counsel with the Port against the Empire, and undermining the bulwark of Christendom? How have they dashed England against Holland; blinded the eyes of several princes of the Empire; and baffled all mediations towards a general peace? Did they not formerly, under the colour of protecting Germany, cut off Alsatia from the Empire? And in a word, this has been their practice, wheresoever they have come: 'They covet harbours in Spain (says the admirable Baron del' Isola); leagues in the Empire; factions in Poland; wars in England and Holland; passes into Italy; and the sovereign arbitrage every where. Their quiet consists in the trouble of all others, and their advantage is in the publick calamities.' Nor have they any other way, than, by dividing and weakening the parts, to master the whole, which is the capital design. And if so, there is no fence against a common enemy, but a common union.'

It is already made appear, by what is above said, how dangerous they are to mankind. The next hint, you gave me, was to consider on it, whether the English may reasonably expect any better quarter from them, than other people? In which point, I shall only lay the matter before you, and leave you the judge on it.

The four main interests of a nation, are, religion, reputation, peace, and trade. For the first of these, we shall neither fare the better, nor the worse; but lose just as much for being of another communion, as his Catholick Majesty gets, by being of the same. The question, now on foot, is, a communion of state, not of faith. The alcoran and the gospel go hand in hand; and at the same time, the protestants are pro

tected in Hungary, and persecuted in France. To say nothing of the encouragements they give there to the Jansenists, which may, for aught we know, prove the greatest blow to the church of Rome, that ever it received since the Reformation. But what do I talk of religion, in a cause that is dipped in Christian blood, and in the tears of widows and orphans? A cause that is propagated by sacrilege, rapes, depopulation, slavery, oppression, and at least a million of lives, sacrificed to it already? The very thought of it is enough to strike the soul of any man with horror and indignation.

If you would see now, how tenderly they have handled us, in the business of reputation: pray do but cast an eye upon the character of an Englishman in their Politique de France†.

"As for the English, they are a people without friends, without "faith, religion, honesty, or justice; distrustful and fickle to the highest degree imaginable; cruel, impatient, gluttonous, proud, 66 audacious; they will do well enough for a rubber at cuffs, or a sud"den exploit, but they understand nothing at all of the government of a war. The country is passable enough for them to live in, but not "rich enough to offer at any conquest abroad; nor did they ever “make any, but upon the Irish, which are a weakly people and ill "soldiers."

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I think it were not amiss, in this place, to desire our impertinent undertaker to turn back to the history of Phillip de Valois, and he shall there find that our Edward the Third made a shift with one army to beat sixty thousand French, and leave betwixt thirty and forty thousand of them upon the place; and with another army in the bishoprick of Durham, to defeat as many Scots, and cut off fifteen thousand of them too. And it must not here be omitted, that this Scotch army was also animated by French counsels. I would not willingly run out a letter into a volume, so that, all other reflections a-part, I shall only add, that, if the English had not once recovered the field, and another time made it good in two of the greatest actions, of late, that have yet passed betwixt the Imperialists and the French, it is the opinion of wise men, that the latter would not have had much to brag of upon the success of And this, in some degree, is acknowledged by the author of a French relation of the actions betwixt the two armies, in 1675, 1676, and 1677, (how romantical soever in other cases). Speaking of the battle under the command of Count de Lorge, after the death of the Viscount Turenne, these are his words: Et a rendre justice aux Anglois, & aux Irlandois, on peut dire, qu'on leur doit une bonne partic de cette victoire;' That is to say, and, to give the English and Irish their due, France is indebted to them, in a large measure, for this victory. But now to our politician again : 'Ils se haissent les uns, les autres, & sont en division continuelle, soit pour la religion, soit pour le

governe

A sort of French Papists, that deny the Pope's infallibility, and differ from the church of Rome, in the doctrine of grace, &c. so called from one Jansenius, bishop of Ipers.

Quant a ce qui est des Anglois ils n'ont aucuns amis, ce sont des gens sans foi, sans religion, sans probite, sans justice aucune, defians, legers au derniere point, cruels, impatiens, gourmands, superbes, audacieux, avares, propres pour les coups de main, & pour une prompte execution, mais incapables de conduire une guerre avec jugement. Leur pais est assez bon pour vivre, mais il n'est pas assez riche pour leur fournir les moyens de sortir, & de faire aucune conqueste; aussi n'ont ils jamais rien conquis, excepte l'Irlande, dont les habitans sont foibles, & mauvais soldats, &c.

ment.' "The English, says he, hate one another, and are still quar. "relling, either about religion or government."

These indecencies would almost make a man call them names; but let us pass without one angry word, from the interest of our reputation, to that of our peace. And enquire how they stand affected to us upon that point. To say, that England has not, for a long time, had any troubles, either at home or abroad, which the French have not either promoted, or improved, to their own advantage, is to say no more than that they deal with us, as they do with all the world beside; so that we must even have recourse again to their politiques for some particular mark of their favour, where you shall find that our state-mountebank has not yet shewn all his tricks, but puts himself with a very grave and fore-casting countenance upon the very project of our ruin.

"A war, says he, of three or four years with France, would abso"lutely destroy the English; so that, methinks, we should not enter. "tain any peace with them, but upon very profitable terms †.”

And then a little after:

"In fine, says he, the way to undo the English, is to make them "keep an army on foot; and there is no fear of their landing in "France, but to their certain destruction, unless they should be invited "by a rebellion; without which, their troops will, in a short time, "most undoubtedly fall foul one upon another. To keep them upon "continual expence, it is but giving them the alarm upon the isles of "Jersy and Guernsey, Wight and Man, Ireland and the Cinque"Ports; by which means they will be put upon the charge of forti❝fications and garisons, which will persuade the people that the king "intends to set up a standing army, and an arbitrary government. So "long as this holds, the nation will never be at quiet, but torment "themselves with fears and jealousies, which may be easily fomented "by letters in cipher, to such and such particular persons; and in "such sort to be intercepted as shall be found convenient. These "letters may give a hint of a descent in Ireland, and elsewhere, which "would dispose the Irish, who mortally hate the English, to a revolt; "and among the suspicious multitude they would pass for gospel. "This contrivance would make the Scots also to bethink themselves of "recovering their liberty; where there must be parties made, and the "sects encouraged one against another; especially the Roman catho"licks must be fairly handled, and private assurance given (in the name "of the king of England) to the Benedictins (who are easy enough to "be imposed upon) that they shall be restored to all their former bene"fits, according to the printed Monasticon; which will presently make "the Roman catholicks declare themselves; and the monks will move "heaven and earth for bringing of matters about; but then care must "be taken to carry on the report that the king is of the Romish religion; "which will distract the government, and throw all into an absolute "confusion."

+ Une guerre de France de trois ou quatre ans contre eux les ruinera entierement, ainsi il semble qu'il ne faut point faire de paix avec eux qu'a des conditions qui nous soient tres avantageuses.

From hence we may gather; First, what opinion the French have of us. Secondly, that it is not only their desire and study, but a formed design to embroil us. Thirdly, that they will stick at nothing neither, to compass that end, be it never so foul. Fourthly, this libeller has traced us out the very methods of their working. As by amusing the people with forged letters of intelligence, where the first author of the plot must miraculously discover it; by filling the people's heads with fears and jealousies, and leaving no stone unturned in England, Scot land, and Ireland, to stir up a rebellion; by making use of the king's name in pretended commissions to Papists, in favour of their religion, and artificially insinuating that his majesty is of that persuasion, to make him odious to his subjects; by first putting the king upon the necessity of an army, for the securing of his dominions; and then interpreting the effect of that necessity, for an attempt upon the liberty of his people. Why has he not advised the poisoning of all our fountains too? Which would have been a course of as much Christianity and honour. But, that this trifler may not glorify himself too much in his wonderous speculations, take notice, that he is only the transcriber, not the author, of this goodly piece, for the original was betwixt Richelieu and Mazarine; and it amounts to no more, in effect, than an imperfect history of the French dealings with us for a long time, and, particularly, in our late troubles.

To come now from his most unmannerly malice to his reason of state: if I am not mistaken, England might longer subsist in a war with France, than France could in a peace within itself (the heaviest of all judgments, when a nation must be wicked upon necessity.) And again, when he says, that England cannot hurt France by a descent, unless called in by a rebellion, he never considers, that, if England had an army on foot, and stood inclined to make use of it that way, we should not be long without an invitation. For we see what the Bourdelois, &c. did upon their own bottom, and without any foreign encouragement; and the whole business miscarried only for want of a vigorous second. Lastly, give me leave to say that he has extremely overshot himself in one thing more; for though this has been really the practice of the French, and is at this day the very model and rule by which their emissaries govern themselves; it should yet have been kept as the greatest secret in the world; for the owning of these inglorious artifices, in publick, makes it one of the grossest libels that ever was written, against the French government; to say nothing of his oversight in disobliging the Roman catholicks, and laying snares to trepan them.

A word now from their counsels and instructions to their instruments, which will be best known by the conformity of their behaviour to the mode of their French masters; and it is no matter to us, in what shape they appear, nor is it much to themselves; who are any thing for pro fit, and the very materia prima is not susceptible of more forms. Do the French put tricks upon us with forged letters? So do they. Do the French labour to poison the people with apprehensions that their liberties are in danger, and their religion; and that the king himself is popishly affected? So do they. Do the French endeavour to create misunderstandings betwixt the king and his people? So do they. Do the French blow the coal in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and, when