be re-elected, and that there was a prospect, if the democrats in Illinois would elect their candidate, that there would be no more citizens of Illinois arrested and taken away without trial. Q. Did he not on that occasion caution the members of the order to observe the Constitution and the law? A. Yes, sir. By Judge WILSON: Q. Did you tell Ayer in the conversation referred to that you told Walsh that you believed that the Sons of Liberty were all a humbug, and that you would not go to it again? A. Yes, sir, I did. By the COURT : Q. I understand you to say that at one time at Ayer's office the doctor lectured a candidate on the three degrees of masonry? A. Yes, sir. Q. What did Ayer say was the cause of his being driven from Kentucky? Q. Did he tell you by what authority he was expelled from Kentucky? A. A. CAMPBELL, a witness for the accused, was then introduced, and being duly sworn by the judge advocate, testified as follows: By the accused: Q. State your name, residence, and occupation. A. A. A. Campbell. I have lived in Chicago eleven years. I have been foreman of the Chicago City Railway Company for the last six years. Q. Do you know where the Ulick House is? A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know the Follingsby's block? A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know whether or not there were any persons drilling in that building? A. Yes, sir; I have heard them. Q. What did you hear? A. I heard them go through with their exercise, and heard the muskets drop on the floor in their drill. Q. Did you see anybody going in or out during the evening? A. I saw several, but no large number. Q. Did you ever see any persons come out with guns? A. I saw a company come out as they were going to drill on the prairie. Q. How many were there in the company? A. Not less than twenty. Q. Had they guns? A. Yes, sir. Q. Were they in uniform or in citizens' dress? A. In citizens' dress, but some of them had military caps. Q. How long was it before they returned? A. I did not take notice how long they were absent; I saw them go out, and I saw them come back. Q. What was that building occupied for? A. The hall was occupied for the Union Leaguers to drill in. Q. Do you know of any person trying to get access into this room? A. I sent two men there, but they could not get in at the time when they were drilling. (Testimony objected to by a member of the court as incompetent.) Q. Were you present at any conversation, in Mr. Phelps's house, between Mr. Walsh and Mr. Phelps? A. I happened to be at his house, and Mr. Walsh came in to wait for the through car to Camp Douglas. I introduced him to Mr. Phelps and we had a drink together. Q. Was there any conversation there upon the subject of your taking arms, or Mr. Phelps taking them? (Question objected to and withdrawn.) Q. Did Mr. Phelps at that time offer to take arms? (Question objected to and withdrawn.) Q. Did Mr. Walsh at that time offer to send up any arms on the horse-car? (Question objected to and withdrawn.) The commission then adjourned to meet on Wednesday, March 29, 1865, at eleven o'clock a. m. COURT-ROOM, CINCINNATI, OHIO, March 29, 1865–11 o'clock a. m. The commission met pursuant to adjournment. All the members present, except Colonel Spooner; also present, the judge advocate and the assistant counsel, the accused and their counsel. C. L. VALLANDIGHAM, a witness for the accused, was then introduced, and being duly sworn by the judge advocate, testified as follows: By the accused: Q. State your name, place of residence, and occupation. A. C. L. Vallandigham; I reside in Dayton, Ohio, and am now practicing law. Q. Were you a member of the association known as the Sons of Liberty? A. I was. Q. State what you were informed when you were initiated into the order, and the circumstances under which you were initiated? A. It was in Windsor, Canada West, opposite the city of Detroit, in the month of February, 1864, and the first connection I had with any secret political organization. About the middle of the month, I think, Mr. Green, who has been a witness here, and Dr. Barnett, whose name has also been mentioned, came to Windsor; I know Mr. Green by reputation; I do not know that I had heard of Dr. Barnett, but after a little explanation I knew who he was; after discussing some political questions, they detailed their business, saying that they were on their way to New York to attend the meeting of the supreme council of what was, as I understood, the order of American Knights; that some material changes were to be made in it, or something to be done in connection with it; they said that it numbered many persons, and they desired that I would become the chief officer of it; my answer was that I had understood there was some such organization, perhaps known by that name, in existence a year or more that I had never heard of it previous to the fall of 1862; that I had always declined having any connection with it, because I appre hended that it might have some connection with the southern government, or place members of it under some sort of obligation with reference to that government that was inconsistent with the oath of allegiance of a citizen of the United States, and that I would belong to none directly or indirectly looking to any sort of connection with those who were in arms against the federal authorities; I went on then to express my convictions as to secret political organizations; that circumstances had altered cases, and whereas I had always hitherto opposed them as a member of the democratic party, but that I believed the time had come when they were useful and necessary, provided they were kept legitimate and lawful; the assurance was given by those gentlemen that there was nothing of the kind. I had apprehended, at all events, there was to be a change made or a new arrangement in the organization, and that all objections of that kind, if any existed, would be obviated; and further, that all they proposed was a simple and informal communication of the ritual, principles, and obligations. With reference to the purposes of which I have spoken, they assured me that it was only a political organization having reference to affairs in the States that had adhered to the Union, and recognized the federal government and its authorities. I accordingly consented, and informally, by reading in part and showing in part, without any attempt at ceremony, the ritual, principles, and obligations were made known to me; no part of any of them was read in full to me, but the books and pamphlets were left with me for examination; the principal objects, with reference to which I made inquiry, as stated there, were declared to be of a political character and for the defence of members of the democratic party. Those were the circumstances and that was the extent to which I was a member of the proposed organization. Q. How soon after your initiation was the order of American Knights changed? A. It was about the 16th or 18th of February that these gentlemen came to Canada. The meeting I understood was held on the 22d; how long it sat, I do not know. I was informed afterwards that it had held its session; that the name had been changed because the idea of knighthood was something objectionable, and that the ritual and the form of expression at least of the principles and some of the obligations were changed. I was further informed that I had been chosen chief officer of the organization; this was probably about the 1st of March, 1864, some eight or ten days after these gentlemen whom I have mentioned were at Windsor. At that time came Mr. H. H. Dodd, of Indianapolis, and Dr. Massey, who I understood had been delegates to the meeting in New York; they informed me of what had been done; that I had been chosen chief officer; they desired to know if I would accept, and also to take the oath of the office; I learned from them at length what had been done, the change in the name and modifications of the ritual and obligations, and was informed that a constitution had been agreed upon, or had been ordered to be drawn up; my recollection is that it was not then reduced to writing; at all events, they did not have it, and I never saw it until yesterday at your house, Judge Bartley; in the printed volume of the report of trials at Indianapolis, I first learned what were the duties of the chief officer; it was written out subsequently and printed, and which I never saw until yesterday. Q. Is that probably a correct copy? A. It purports to be, but is a document I never saw in my life, and have no other knowledge of it, save seeing it in that book. There was no form of oath prescribed in writing. It was suggested to me what should it be; I answered that it should be an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and faithfully discharge the duties of chief officer of the organization. In that form the oath was administered by Dr. Massey; whether he had authority I do not know; he so administered it, at all events. The papers were then produced and gone over; large changes were made in the ritual; in the first place a large amount of it was stricken out; I desired to strike it all out-it was of no value; but merely retain a promise or obligation, and the recognition of certain principles; but others thought it was better for some portion, at least, for the form and ceremonials in secret societies, and borrowed all, I believe, from the same fountain head. There was one portion of the oath or obligation I noticed after Mr. Green and Mr. Barnett, (it was not called an oath in the order, but a promise,) which I noticed after these gentlemen had left, in the middle of February, and as soon as the other gentlemen came I called their attention to it, asking them whatever they might think in reference to it, whatever might be its actual pur port, it was at least ambiguous and must not be retained, and would not consent to it because it looked at least like an obligation calling upon men to give aid and comfort to the southern government; whether I was right in the interpretation I do not know; accordingly, that portion of the oath from the order of the American Knights was stricken out, and omitted in the revised obligation; the rest was merely form and ceremony; a great deal was stricken out which was mere words, and which I regarded as beneath the dignity of men; but some portion of the same sort, however, was retained; there was but one change or addition made to the principles of the order; what are numbered the thirteen articles, I believe, in substance existed in the old organization, to which I never further belonged than what I have detailed to this court. They were revised by Dr. Massey at my rooms at Windsor; the particular form and phraseology I do not recollect; but the addition I made, and which will be found in the correct copies, was the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, constituting now the lesson of the Inner Temple; I cut them out of an old volume of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of '98 and '99; I think it was the 2d Virginia and the 1st and 3d Kentucky, but of that I am not positive; but they were the Virginia resolutions, without any alteration except a local allusion to the time they were passed, and the State of Kentucky in 1798, which were omitted as not a declaration of principles; that was all the change that was made. These gentlemen returned to their own homes; one of them I met afterwards, the other I did not meet. Q. How long did you continue the supreme commander? A. The election was for one year. The circumstances with regard to it should be detailed in connection with the Chicago convention more properly. Q. Trace your connection with the order from the time you were elected supreme commander down to the Chicago convention ? A. I never was present at any meeting or any Temple councils, lodge, or regular meeting of the organization from the beginning to this day. There was an informal meeting of the members of the organization held in Windsor on or about the 15th of April. Mr. McMasters was present there; Mr. Dodd and Mr. Judd also, and probably one or two other gentlemen. At that meeting the entire business transacted related to the Chicago convention. Action was taken there with reference to the nominating of the candidate. No one was agreed upon as a candidate of those who were in favor of settling this controversy by negotiation, but preparations were made to bring a candidate out before the public, and through the papers, in advance of the convention. It was agreed that I should write a letter, addressed to the democracy of the United States, defining what I believed to be the duty of the democratic party in the approaching presidential election. (The testimony was objected to as having no relevancy to the case in hand.) There was nothing transacted in that meeting except what related to political affairs; it was the only meeting of the organization at which I was ever present, except an informal meeting of members in Chicago, during the convention, where I was elected to preside. The question of platform and candidate for the convention was discussed. The other meeting was held in the month of April. Q. State the objects of this order, as you learned them and understood them as the supreme commander? A. The objects of the order, were, first, political—the advancement and success of the democratic party, especially with reference to the presidential election; the second, and to that extent, an offset to the organization known as the Loyal Union League. Another object was the protection of democrats against violence by mobs, the destroying of democratic newspapers, and assaults on members of the democratic party. The other and ultimate one, dependent entirely upon whether the contingency ever arose, was to protect the ballot-box, in case of the attempt to suppress State elections or the election of the President of the United States by force of arms. Beyond that I never knew or heard of any other purposes of the order as an organization, nor had I any connection with it as such. If there was any others, it was the individuals themselves only that were concerned, in disobedience to the known and understood purposes of the order. Q. Had this order any such purposes as affording aid and assistance to the confederate army, or the rebellion of the southern States? A. Under no circumstances whatever. On the contrary, I had refused to join a preceding order because of a suspicion in my mind that by some possibility something of that kind might be intended. Q. Was the release of the confederate prisoners of war one of the objects contemplated by this order? A. It never was. I never heard that subject alluded to at any meeting (an informal one being the only one I was present at) of the organization, nor by any member of that organization to me. Q. When did you first learn of the existence of any such purposes as that from persons belonging to the order? A. Never until I read of the arrest of Harrison, in Indianapolis, and saw, perhaps a month or so later, the charges and specifications of the judge advocate. That was the first knowledge that I ever had of any such purposes being entertained by any member, and never by the order as an organization. Q. At what time was that arrest made? A. I think it was in the month of August, 1864, and prior to the Chicago convention, which convention assembled on the 29th of August. I returned home on the 15th of June, 1864. Q. Had you any knowledge, Mr. Vallandigham, or was information communicated to this order in reference to the sending of money from Canada to Mr. Dodd, or in reference to the purchase of arms for the order at Indianapolis ? A. No, sir; I never heard a word in reference to the use of money obtained from Canada or any other quarter, in that connection, until I saw the development at this trial. I never had either knowledge, intimation, or suspicion that Mr. Dodd,Mr. Bowles, or Mr. Milligan, or any of those who were brought up on that trial, were concerned with that with which they were charged. Neither directly or indirectly was it ever brought to my knowledge, nor had I any suspicion of it. Q. Had you any knowledge of any other member of the order being concerned in any such plot? A. I had not; on the contrary, on the day I returned, a matter which is in testimony before this commission, for fear that some one might be bad enough or rash enough to attempt anything of the kind, in the speech which has also been referred to, made on that occasion, I distinctly denounced every movement of the kind, having any purpose to resist the authorities of the United States, using this language: "I admonish all persons concerned that the offence is treasonable, and the penalty death." That speech was made on Wednesday, the 15th of June. That is probably the reason that no intimation was ever given to me of any of these purposes, and on the day which is said to have been fixed for this uprising, the 16th of August, I left Dayton, and went to Syracuse, New York, and on the 18th addressed a democratic State convention held in that place, returning home on the 19th or 20th. When I first heard of the arrest in Indianapolis for bringing in arms, I was not aware that there was any other charge. I supposed it was merely some arms that individuals had been bringing. That subject had been spoken of by some members of the organization in August, and I had resolutely and determinedly opposed anything like the arming of the organization. I never heard of any money received by any member of the organization except-and this was merely reported to me-six thousand dollars, ($6,000,) which was collected from members of the organization in the State of Illinois in the fall of 1863 and 1864. These were all the funds I |