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to London or Bath, or the Continent, where the so-
called gentry of Ireland forgot their duties, and con-
cealed their nationality. Her aristocracy left their
estates to agents, and if their bankers' balance was
satisfactory, asked no questions as to how their dues.
were levied. Her men of talent, who should have
given her a national art and a national literature,
her distinguished lawyers and physicians, and men
of science, passed to the country which offered fairer
rewards to eminence, and social intercourse in which
it was possible to feel at home. Ireland herself,
cursed with a separate legislature, and with a nation-
ality which revived under oppression, was drained of
every element which could have given her firmness
and consistency, and was left to flounder from
calamity to calamity.1 Rank,
Rank, genius, wealth, in-
tellectual cultivation, all, or almost all, that could
have given vigour to her legislation, and tone to her
society, forsook her. Her code of laws were an in-
stitute of anarchy, so administered as to turn authority
into a jest, and so contrived as to make law a synonym
of iniquity.

The more honour is due to the few families who, great in character or in rank, remained at their

1 A condition apparently inevitable in all dependent countries in times when the first duty of man lies in the making and enjoying his own fortune. Rome prolonged her empire by recruiting from the provinces her bar, her senate, and her armies. Spain, Gaul, Africa, the East were all emasculated that Rome might be strong. Similarly at the present day men of business accumulate fortunes in Australia to spend them in London. Politicians win distinction in colonial

legislatures as a step to greatness in
the Imperial Parliament. Colonies
which aspire to preserve their
wealth and talents for themselves,
will inevitably seek independence,
unless they are identified with the
mother country, and share with it
to the full its glories and its pri-
vileges. There is no wholesome
alternative between entire assimi-
lation, and a separation so complete
as to create a pride in a distinct
nationality.

CHAP.

II.

BOOK
IV.

1729

stations-families in whom traditions of the past century were not yet wholly extinct, who recognized that they owned Irish soil for some better purpose than to squeeze materials of luxury out of the tillers of it. Yet even these were driven gradually into disaffection, as they saw their efforts to save their country blighted or cast aside.

With extreme difficulty they at last obtained their Tillage Bill, though shorn of the bounties which would have given it vitality. It was reduced to an injunction that out of every hundred acres of land in cultivation five must be under the plough; and, still more unfortunately, no means were provided to enforce even this obligation, the neglect of which brought the rising of the Whiteboys.1

Working on the foundation of the Charter Schools, they carried measures which needed only to have been executed to have swept poverty out of Ireland. In 1715, they passed an act empowering the ministers and churchwardens in every parish to apprentice children who are found begging to substantial Protestant housekeepers or tradesmen.2 The parishes

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helpless children who are forced to beg, and, if care be not taken of their education, will become not only unprofitable but dangerous to their country; whereas it is hoped that many may be entertained in comfortable service, and others bred up in useful callings if welldisposed persons could have a fair prospect of receiving a return by the labour of poor children suitable to the charge of training them; the act provides for the application of the general apprentice system, as it was in use in England.-2 George I. cap. 17.

II.

1729

were bound by the common law to support foundling CHAP. and orphan children. It was found that to evade the cost the overseers thrust helpless little creatures under six years of age from parish to parish, and while the authorities were disputing over the charge of their maintenance, the objects of their cruelty often perished. Workhouses were established in consequence in Dublin, and afterwards in most other large towns, where the governors were required to take charge of such children, to educate them on the Charter School principles, and afterwards to bind them out.1

In 1729 the administration of justice in Ireland. came under the notice of Parliament: the Mayor and Corporation of Dublin were found to be drawing a handsome revenue out of extortions practised upon prisoners. Out of thirteen aldermen, seven only acted as magistrates; and each of the seven had a gang of constables specially depending on him. Their clerks were provided with blank warrants, in which they entered what names they pleased, and by arresting innocent persons and extorting fees for the cost of detention, and afterwards for the favour of release, turned poorly paid offices into a source of abundant incomes for master and for man.2

Newgate was a crown prison. The master of it

1 3 George II. cap. 3. 9 George II. cap. 5.

2 Here is a specimen out of many cases which came before the House of Commons:

'John Bryan having lost some plate, and hearing from two constables of Alderman Bolton that one Margaret McCabe had stolen it, the alderman's clerk issued a warrant for her and her daughter,

a child of eleven. They were ar-
rested and taken, the child to Bride-
well, and the mother to the Black
Dog, the debtors' prison, where those
who could pay for it were allowed
what was called better treatment;
the child as a favour was allowed
to join her there. They were
brought the next day before the
alderman, when nothing being
proved against them they were re-

590

BOOK

IV.

1729

stations-families in whom traditions of the past century were not yet wholly extinct, who recognized that they owned Irish soil for some better purpose than to squeeze materials of luxury out of the tillers of it. Yet even these were driven gradually into disaffection, as they saw their efforts to save their country blighted or cast aside.

With extreme difficulty they at last obtained their Tillage Bill, though shorn of the bounties which would have given it vitality. It was reduced to an injunction that out of every hundred acres of land in cultivation five must be under the plough; and, still more unfortunately, no means were provided to enforce even this obligation, the neglect of which brought the rising of the Whiteboys.1

Working on the foundation of the Charter Schools, they carried measures which needed only to have been executed to have swept poverty out of Ireland. In 1715, they passed an act empowering the ministers and churchwardens in every parish to apprentice children who are found begging to substantial Protestant housekeepers or tradesmen.2 The parishes

1 'The Protestant absentee landlords treated their duties generally with a cynical completeness of contempt. The report of 1729 on the causes of the Protestant emigration from Ulster says, 'that their agents habitually let the lands by auction to the highest bidder; they turned Protestant tenants out of their holdings, without compensation for improvements, and let the farms to Catholics on short leases, and at rack rents.'-'Report on the Causes of the Emigration, June 6, 1729.' MSS. Record Office.

2 Whereas there are in every part of this kingdom numbers of

helpless children who are forced to beg, and, if care be not taken of their education, will become not only unprofitable but dangerous to their country; whereas it is hoped that many may be entertained in comfortable service, and others bred up in useful callings if welldisposed persons could have a fair prospect of receiving a retura by the labour of poor children suitable to the charge of training them;' the act provides for the application of the general apprentice system, as it was in use in England.-2 George I. cap. 17.

II.

1729

were bound by the common law to support foundling CHAP. and orphan children. It was found that to evade the cost the overseers thrust helpless little creatures under six years of age from parish to parish, and while the authorities were disputing over the charge of their maintenance, the objects of their cruelty often perished. Workhouses were established in consequence in Dublin, and afterwards in most other large towns, where the governors were required to take charge of such children, to educate them on the Charter School principles, and afterwards to bind them out.1

In 1729 the administration of justice in Ireland came under the notice of Parliament: the Mayor and Corporation of Dublin were found to be drawing a handsome revenue out of extortions practised upon prisoners. Out of thirteen aldermen, seven only acted as magistrates; and each of the seven had a gang of constables specially depending on him. Their clerks were provided with blank warrants, in which they entered what names they pleased, and by arresting innocent persons and extorting fees for the cost of detention, and afterwards for the favour of release, turned poorly paid offices into a source of abundant incomes for master and for man.2

Newgate was a crown prison. The master of it

13 George II. cap. 3. 9 George II. cap. 5.

2 Here is a specimen out of many cases which came before the House of Commons:

'John Bryan having lost some plate, and hearing from two constables of Alderman Bolton that one Margaret McCabe had stolen it, the alderman's clerk issued a warrant for her and her daughter,

a child of eleven. They were ar-
rested and taken, the child to Bride-
well, and the mother to the Black
Dog, the debtors' prison, where those
who could pay for it were allowed
what was called better treatment;
the child as a favour was allowed
to join her there. They were
brought the next day before the
alderman, when nothing being
proved against them they were re-

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