able; and the rest, prompted by indignation, necessity, or despair, will turn Scotch or Irish. CHAP. There is II. 1703 no remedy so proper for both kingdoms as some sort of union which would enrich and strengthen England, and establish the English interest here, and make it prosper; for, in that case, all the British would be good Englishmen. We do not capitulate. You may be your own carvers. It seems worthy of your serious thoughts to promote so good a work.' The forces which govern the evolution of human society are so complex that the wisest statesman may misread them. The highest political sagacity, though controlled by conscience and directed by the purest motives, may yet select a policy which, in the light of after history, shall seem like madness. The 'event' may teach the inadequacy of the intellect to compass the problems which at times. present themselves for solution. The 'event' alone. will not justify severe historical censure, where a ruler has endeavoured seriously to do what, in the light of such knowledge as he possessed, appeared at the moment most equitable. But no such excuse can be pleaded for Queen Anne's ministers, or for the English nation whose resolution they represented, in rejecting these overtures of the Irish Parliament. Opportunities occur in the affairs of nations which, if allowed to pass, return no more. The offered Union was thrown away when it would have been accepted gratefully as the most precious boon which England could bestow; was thrown away in the meanest and basest spirit of commercial jealousy. 1 'Sir R. Cox to the Earl of Nottingham, February 13, 1704.' MSS. Record Office. BOOK II. 1703 No rational fear of possible danger; no anxiety to prevent injustice; no honourable motive of any kind whatever can be imagined as having influenced Lord Nottingham, or the persons, whoever they were, that were generally responsible for the decision. In fatal blindness they persuaded themselves that the Union would make Ireland rich, and that England's interest was to keep her poor. The Queen returned a cold reply, 'that she would give no particular answer at present, but would take the request into consideration.'1 The consideration never came. The wisdom of the precious resolution was never doubted or reviewed; and from this one act, as from a scorpion's egg, sprung a fresh and yet uncompleted cycle of disaffection, rebellion and misery. The union would not be conceded; that much was certain; and the Irish Parliament was left face to face with its own domestic skeleton, to determine by what means the ever-germinating Popery could be held down, and if possible destroyed. With an Ireland united to England, and restored to trade and industry, the Catholics would have sunk before the superior vitality of their vigorous and thriving rivals. If there was to be no trade and no industry, a social condition would establish itself, in which the natural superiority would be on the Celtic and Catholic side; and unless otherwise protected, such Protestants as remained in the island would conform themselves to the only type of character which could be happy in compelled idleness. 1 Commons' Journals, February 11, 1704. SECTION III. II. 1703 THE alternative which Ireland was to receive for the CHAP. refusal of the Union was the bill for the Repression of Popery; and the unfinished work of the Council was turned over to the House of Commons, who appointed a Committee to draw the heads of an act. But further correspondence with England was necessary before they could make progress with their work. The interest in the smaller measure, so long as they were considering and debating on the Union, was comparatively feeble; and to prevent conflict and confusion the House was unwilling to take active steps till the views of the English Cabinet were ascertained with precision. The most powerful influences were brought to bear on the English Court in favour of the Catholics. The heads of a companion act had been already sent over, under which Catholic secular priests remaining in Ireland were required to present themselves before a magistrate, register their names, and take out a licence, of which the Abjuration Oath was a condition. A formal remonstrance, both against this measure and the intended Popery Bill, had been submitted to Lord Nottingham, and a large money subscription had been raised among the Catholic gentry to insure the Privy Council's attention. They appealed to the Articles of Limerick and to the promise distinctly given them, that they should be subject to no disturbance on account of their religion. King William had undertaken that they should retain all such privileges as they had possessed under Charles the Second, and II. 1703 BOOK yet they were threatened with being deprived of the right of punishing disobedient children, or of buying or inheriting property in the land of their fathers. By the Articles of Limerick no oath was to be required of Catholics but the simple Oath of Allegiance. If the Abjuration Oath was to be made a condition of registration, 'no priest could remain in Ireland; none could come thither from abroad under penalty of high treason; and no Catholic could continue to live there being barred the exercise of his religion.' 'They humbly hoped her majesty would refuse to consent to a law which was a breach of faith. Public honour was always sacred, and no people were more sensible of it than the English.'1 The clause of the Articles of Limerick affecting the religious position of the Catholics had been confirmed by Parliament. It was part of the law of the land. The appeal was not conclusive, for no treaties can bind eternally when conditions change; but the reply most consistent at once with honour and the interests of Ireland, would have been to concede the Union. No Repression of Popery Act would have been then needed, if Protestantism had been allowed fair play. But Ireland appeared to the English ministry to be a country where honour, conscience, and common-sense were words which had no application. General directions were given that the bill was to be proceeded with, and, on the 19th November, the heads were laid on the table of the House of Commons by Tenison, the member for Lowth. The summer work of the Council formed the evident basis on which the Committee had proceeded. The 1 Case of the Roman Catholics in relation to the bill against the repression of Popery.' MSS. Record Office. II. 1703 preamble stated, as a reason for further legislation, CHAP. must be more strictly enforced. The disarming act had been neutralized by a power |