second Act of Settlement. It was now broadly hinted that a third or half of what remained would be further expected of them. The moderate Catholics had desired that the acts should be confirmed. Their advanced representative on the council-the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, Sir Stephen Rice-frankly insisted that the acts should be repealed. It was assumed that, if time had been allowed, every claimant for reinstatement would have proved his innocence, and so made good his right. As a compensation for the long deprivation, Sir R. Nagle, the Attorney-General, proposed that the ancient proprietors, who by the acts were intended to be restored to their estates after the present possessors were reprised, should at once be put in possession; and that the English occupants, after twenty or even thirty years of occupancy, having built, drained, fenced, and planted, and trebled or quadrupled the value of the properties, should be paid off at the price of the original debentures.1 While judges and law officers spoke plainly, the King still maintained an affected veil on his own intentions. He talked of summoning a Parliament ; but there was not a child of ten years old that could be ignorant what a Parliament would do, assembled under such auspices as the present. The most sinister rumours were abroad. Clarendon continued to hope; but, sanguine as he tried to be, an autumn progress through the south dispelled the possibility of illusion. The priests forbade the people to appear at his levees. Tyrconnell, not the Viceroy, was the representative of James Stuart 1 'Clarendon to Ormond, August 28.' Letters, vol. i. 2 At Cork, some gentlemen of both religions being together, and in Ireland.2 The next discoursing with some wonder how СНАР. III. 1686 BOOK I. 1686 post from England brought Clarendon word that he was in disgrace at the court. His recall had been determined, and Tyrconnell was to take his place. Profoundly loyal as Clarendon was, he could not blind himself to what such an appointment would mean. The English interest was about to be sacrificed. The administration of the country was to be thrown into the hands of a set of men whose object was the same as that of the conspirators of 1641, though their road to it might lie through less violent means. He had come over on a mission of conciliation, and conciliation was found to imply, extremely plainly, the extirpation of the Protestant settlers. On the eve of his departure, he pointed out to his brother his unwilling conviction that, unless Ireland was to go her own way altogether, concession to the Catholic clergy was a delusion and a folly. 'It is scarce possible for any that have not been here,' he said, 'to believe the profound ignorant bigotry the nation here are bred in by the priests, who, to all appearance, seem to be as ignorant as themselves. The generality of them do believe that this kingdom is the Pope's; that the King has no right further than the Pope gives him authority; and that it is lawful for them to call in any foreign power to help them against those who oppose the jurisdiction of the Church, as has evidently appeared by the late rebellion. And I do assure you the same principles which carried on that rebellion have been since carefully propagated, and are now too publicly owned. True, many Roman Catholics declare against these "Our people are mad: our clergy have forbid gentlemen to appear." Says another, "We have among us who pretend to govern and to know more of the King's mind than my Lord Lieutenant."'Clarendon to Rochester, October 2.' Letters, vol. ii. But principles, and do detest them, even priests. 1 Clarendon to Rochester, December 26, 1686.' Letters, vol. ii. CHAP. III. 1686 BOOK I. 1687 SECTION V. THE Irish believed that Ireland was theirs; that the English were invading tyrants who had stolen their land, broken up their laws and habits, and proscribed their creed. The English believed that Ireland was a country attached, inseparably, by situation and circumstances to the English crown; that they were compelled to govern a people who were unable or unwilling to govern themselves, and that the spoliation with which they were reproached had been forced upon them by the treachery and insubordination of the native owners. Between these two views of the same facts no compromise was possible. That the Irish, being what they were, should bear the chain. impatiently was inevitable from the constitution of their nature. It was no less certain that England neither could nor would recede from the position which she had taken up, and that, before the Irish were allowed to be independent, they must win their independence with the sword. Those who could look beyond the moment, saw plainly that the struggle which was recommencing must end at last in a conflict between the two nations. Religion might serve as a veil, for the present, over more vital questions; and the religious question itself might conceal its real nature behind the spurious pleas of toleration. But, even under the extravagant supposition that James could undo the Reformation and make England Catholic again, no English Parliament would or could consent that the settlers of English race should be dis possessed, and that Irish rebellion, after its neck had been so hardly broken, should be re-established in its old strength. Tyrconnell meant to take back the lands. England, whether Catholic or Protestant, was sooner or later certain to interfere, and insist that it should not be. For the moment, however, the Irish were the winning side, and the game went merrily along. Clarendon resigned the sword, paying a melancholy but honourable compliment to the loyal hearts of the Protestants, who were now to be sacrificed. Tyrconnell, when he was installed, talked grandiloquently, as James had done in England, of the immortal principles of religious liberty, which were to be the rule of his government; principles which, in practice, were to mean that those who had been punished for a detestable rebellion, which they were pleased to describe as a religious war, were to be indemnified for their sufferings at the expense of those who had punished them. Chancellor Porter, as unavailable for the purpose in view, was dismissed with Clarendon. His office was given to Sir Alexander Fitton, whose qualifications were, the having been convicted and imprisoned for forgery, and whose merit in the King's eyes was his being a convert to Popery. Protestant officers were weeded out of the army; and the power of the sword being now Catholic, Chief Baron Rice set himself, as he described it, to drive a coach and horses through the Acts of Settlement: such statutes, he said, 'being contrary to natural equity, could not oblige." The dispossessed families put in their claims. Outlawries were reversed as fast as the courts could give judgements; and decrees of restoration were made out VOL. I. 1 Life of William III. Harris, vol. ii. p. 8. N CHAP III. 1687 |