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thered. Next, that bridges were builte upon all rivers, and all the foordes marred and spilte, soe as none might pass any other waye but by those bridges, and everye bridge to have a gate and a small gate howse sett theron; wherof this good will come that noe night stealthes (which are commonlye driven in by-wayes and by blinde foordes unused of anye but such like) shal be convayed out of one countrey into another, as they use, but they must pass by those bridges, where they may be either haply encountred, or easely tracked, or not suffred to pass at all, by meanes of those gate-howses: Also that in all straytes and narrowe passages, as betwene two bogges, or through any deepe foorde, or under any mountayne side, there should be some litle fortilage, or wooden castell sett, which should keepe and comaunde that strayte, wherby any rebell that should come in the countrey might be stopped the waye, or pass with great perill. Moreover, that all highe wayes should be fenced and shutt up on both sides, leaving onely fortye foote breadthe for passage, soe as none should be able to passe but through the highe waye, wherby theeves and night robbers might be the more easely pursued and encountred, when there shal be noe other waye to drive theyr stollen cattell but therin, as I formerlye declared. Further, that there should be in sundrye convenient places, by the high wayes, townes appoynted to be builte, the which should be free Bouroughes, and incorporate under Bayliffes, to be by theyr inhabitaunts well and strongly intrenched, or otherwise fenced with gates at each side therof, to be shutt nightlye, like as there is in manye places of the English Pale, and all the wayes about it to be stronglye shutt up, soe that none should passe but through those townes: To some of which it were good that the priviledge of a markett were given, the rather to strengthen and enable them to theyr defence, for nothing dothe sooner cause civilitye in anye countreye then manye markett townes, by reason that people repairing often thither for theyr needes, will daylye see and learne civil manners of the better sort. Besides, there is nothing doth more staye and strengthen the countreye then such corporate townes, as by proofe in many rebellions hathe bene seene; in all which when the countreves have swarved, the townes have stood stiffe and fast, and yeelded good relief to the souldiours in all Occasions of service. And lastly there doth

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nothing more enriche any countreye realme then manye townes; for to them will all the people drawe and bring the fruites of theyr trades, as well to make money of them, as to supplye theyr needefull uses; and the countreymen will also be more industrious in tillage, and rearing all husbandrye comodity es, knowing that they shall have readye sale for them at those townes : and in all those townes should there be convenient Innes erected for the lodging and harbourghing of all travellers, which are now oftentimes spoyled by lodging abrode in weake thatched howses, for wante of such safe places to shrowde themselves in.

Eudox. But what profitt shall your markett townes reape of theyr markett, whereas each one may sell theyr corne and cattell abrode in the countrey, and make theyr secrett bargaynes amongest themselves, as nowe I understand they use?

Iren. Indeede, Eudoxus, they doe soe, and thereby noe small inconvenience doth arise to the commonwealth; for nowe, when any one hath stollen a cowe or a garron, he may secretlye sell it in the countreye without privitye of anye, wheras yf he brought it in the markett towne it would perhaps be knowen, and the theif discovered. Therfore it were good that a straighte ordinaunce were made, that none should buye or sell any cattell but in some open markett (there being nowe markett townes everye where at hand) upon a great penaltye; neither should they likewise buye any corne to sell the same agayne, unless it were to make malte therof; for by such engrossing and regrating we see the dearthe that nowe comonly raigneth heere in England to have bene caused. Heereunto also is to be added that good ordinaunce, which I remember was once proclaymed throughout all Ireland. That all men should marke theyr cattell with an open severall marke upon theyr flanckes or buttocks, soe as yf they happened to be stollen, they might appeare whose they were, and they which should buye them might therby suspecte the owner, and be warned to abstayne from buying of them of a suspected person with such an unknowen marke.

Eudor. Surely these ordinaunces seeme verye expedient, but speciallye that of free townes, of which I wonder there is such small store in Ireland and that in the first peopling and planting therof they were neglected and omitted,

Iren. They were not omitted; for there were, through all places of the country.

convenient, manye good townes seated, which through that inundation of the Irish, which I first told you of, were utterlye wasted and defaced, of which the ruines are yet in manye places to be seene, and of some noe signe at all remayning, save onelye theyr bare names, but theyr seates are not to be founde.

Eudor. But howe then cometh it to pass, that they have never since recovered, nor their habitations reedifyed, as of the rest which have bene noe less spoyled and wasted?

Iren. The cause therof was for that, after | theyr desolation, they were begged by gentellmen of the Kinges, under colour to repayre them and gather the poore reliques of the people agayne togither, of whom having obtayned them, they were soe farre from reedifying of them, as that by all meanes they have endevoured to keepe them wast, least that, being repayred, theyre charters might be renewed, and their Burgesses restored to theyr landes, which they had nowe in their possession; much like as in these old monumentes of abbeyes, and religious howses, we see them likewise use to doe: For which cause it is judged that King Henry the Eight bestowed them upon them, knowing that therby they should never be able to rise agayne. And even soe doe these Lordes, in those poore old corporate townes, of which I could name you diverse but for kindling of displeasure. Therfore as 1 wished manye corporate townes to be erected, soe would I agayne wish them to be free, not depending upon the service, nor under the commaundenient of anye but the Governour. And being soe, they will both strengthen all the countreve rounde about them, which by theyr meanes wil be the better replenished and enriched, and also be as continuall holdes for her Majestie, yf the people should revolte and breake out agayne; for without such it is easye to forraie and over-runne the whole lande, Lett be for example, all those free-bouroughes in the Lowe-countreyes, which are nowe all the strength therof. These and other like ordinaunces might be delivered for the good establishment of that realme, after it is once subdued and reformed, in which it might be afterwardes verye easelye kept and mayntayned, with small care of the Governours and Counsell there appoynted, soe as that it should in shorte space yeeld a plentifull revenue to the crowne of England; which nowe doth but sucke and consume the trea

surye therof, through those unsounde plottes

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and changefull orders which are daylye devised for her good, yet never effectually prosecuted or perfourmed.

Eudor. But in all this your discourse I have not marked any thing by you spoken touching the appoyntment of the principall Officer, to whom you wish the charge and perfourmaunce of all this to be committed: Onelye I observed some fowle abuses by you noted in some of the late Governours, the reformation wherof you left for this present time.

Iren. I delighte not to laye open the blames of soe great Magistrats to the rebuke of the woorlie, and therfore theyr reformation I will not meddle with, but leave unto the wisedome of greater heades to be considered: onelye this much I will speake generally therof, to satisfye your desire, that the Government and cheif Magistracye I wish to continue as it doth; to weete, that it be ruled by a Lorde Deputye or Justice, for that it is a very safe kinde of rule: but there-withall I wish that over him there were placed also a Lord Lieutenaunt, of some of the greatest personages in England (such an one I could name, upon whom the eye of all England is fixed, and our last hopes now rest); whoe being entitled with that dignitye, and being allwayes heere resident, may backe and defende the good cause of the government agaynst all malignours, which else will, through theyr cunning woorking under hand, deprave and pull backe what ever thinge shal be well begunne or intended there, as we commonlye see by experience at this day, to the utter ruine and desolation of that poor realme and this Lieutenauncye should be noe discountenauncing of the Lord Deputye, but rather a strengthning and maintayning of all his doinges; for nowe the cheif evill in that government is, that noe Governour is suffred to goe on with any one course, but upon the least information heere, of this or that, he is either stopped or crossed, and other courses appoynted him from hence which he shall runne, which howe inconvenient it is, is at this howre to well felte. And therfore this should be one principle in the appoyntment of the Lord Deputyes authoritye, that it shoulde be more ample and absolute then it is, and that he should have uncontrolled power to doe any thing that he, with the advisement of the Counsell, should thinke meete to be done: for it is not possible for the Counsell heere, to direct a Governour there, whoe shal be forced oftentimes to followe the necessitye of pre

sent occasions, and to take the suddayne advauntage of time, which being once loste will not be recovered; whilest, through expecting directions from hence, the delayes wherof are oftentimes through other greater affayres most irkesome, the opportunitye there in the meane time passes away, and greate daunger often groweth, which by such timely prevention might easely be stopped. And this (I remember) is woorthelye observed by Machiavell in his discourses upon Livye, where he comendeth the manner of the Romayne government, in giving absolute power to all theyr Counsuls and Governours, which yf they abused, they should afterwardes dearely answeare it: And the contrarye therof he reprehendeth in the States of Venice, of Florence, and many other principalities of Italye, whoe use to limitte theyr cheif officers soe straightly, as that therby oftentimes they have lost such happye occasions as they could never come unto agayne. The like wherof, whoe soe hath bene conversaunte in that government of Ireland, hath to often seene to theyr great hindraunce and hurte. Therfore this I could wish to be redressed, and yet not soe but that in particular thinges he should be restrayned, though not in the generall government; as namelye in this, that noe offices should be solde by the Lord Deputye for monye, nor noe pardons, nor protections bought for rewardes, nor noe beeves taken for Captaynries of countreys, nor noe shares of Bishopricks for nominating theyr Bishops, nor noe forfeytures, nor dispensations with penall Statutes given to theyr servauntes or frendes, nor noe selling of licences for transportation of prohibited wares, and speciallye of corne and flesh, with manye the like; which neede some manner of restraint, or els very great trust in the honourable disposition of the Lord Deputye.

Thus I have, Eudoxus, as breifly as I could, and as my remembraunce would serve me, runne throughe the state of that whole countrey, both to lett you see what it nowe is, and also what it may be by good care and amendment: Not that I take upon me to chaunge the pollicye of soe greate a kingdome, or prescribe rules to such wise men as have the handling therof, but onelye to shewe you the evills, which in my small experience I have observed to be the cheif hinderaunces of the reformation therof; and by way of conference to declare my simple opinion for the redresse therof, and establishing a good course for that government; which I doe not deliver for a perfect plott of myne owne invention, to be onelye followed, but as I have learned and understood the same by the consultacions and actions of verye wise Governours and Counsellours whom I have sometimes hearde treate thereof. Soe have I thought good to sett downe a remembraunce of them for myne owne good, and your satisfaction, that whoe so list to overlooke them, allthough perhaps much wiser then they which have thus advised of that state, yet at least, by comparison herof, may perhaps better his owne judgement, and by the light of others fore-going him may followe after with more ease, and happely finde a fayrer waye thereunto then they which have gone before.

Eudox. I thanke you, Irenæus, for this your gentell paynes; withall not forgetting, nowe in the shutting up, to putt you in mynde of that which you have formerlye halfe promised, that heereafter when we shall meete agayne uppon the like good occasion, ye will declare unto us those your observations which ye have gathered of the Antiquities of Ireland.

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APPENDIX I.

VARIATIONS FROM THE ORIGINAL EDITIONS.

Page 4 (LETTER OF THE AUTHORS), col. 2, l. 9, vi. All the early editions read v.

P. 5 (VERSES TO THE AUTHOR), col. 2, 1. 13, faire (1609), fare (1590)

P. 5 (VERSES TO THE AUTHOR), col. 2, 1. 17, reedes (1609). The 4to. 1590 has reede.

P. 9 (VERSES BY THE AUTHOR), col. 1, 1. 30, soverains. The 4to. 1590 reads soverain, but fol. 1611 has soveraignes.

Page 11, book I. canto i. stanza 4, line 5, my feeble (1596), mine feeble (1590).

P. 13, bk. I. c. i. st. 12, 1. 5, your stroke. The 4to. 1590 reads your hardy stroke; but it is corrected in 'Faults escaped in the Print,' though the incorrect reading is retained in the 4to. 1596, and in the fol. 1611.

P. 13, bk. I. c. i. st. 15, 1. 7, shapes (1590), shape (1596).

P. 14, bk. I. c. i. st. 21, 1. 5, later spring. The editions of 1590, 1596, and 1611 read later ebbe gins t'avale (to avale), but this lection is corrected in 'Faults escaped in the Print.'

P. 14, bk. I. c. i. st. 23, l. 9, oft (1590), ? off (Collier).

P. 14, bk. I. c. i. st. 24, 1. 8, raft (1590), reft (1609).

P. 14, bk. I. c. i. st. 30, 1. 9, sits (1590), fils (1609). P. 16, bk. I. c. i. st. 42, 1. 8, sights. The 4to. 1590 reads sighes. In the Faults escaped in the Print' we are told to read sights.

P. 17, bk. I. c. i. st. 50, 1. 3, He thought have (1590), He thought t' have (1611).

P. 17, bk. I. c. i. st. 50, 1.8, can (1590), gan (1679). P. 17, bk. I. c. ii. Arg. 1. 3, stead (1596). The 4to. 1590 has steps.

P. 19, bk. I. c. ii. st. 14, 1. 4, et passim (Books I. II. III.) off (1596), of (1596).

P. 19, bk. I. c. ii. st. 17, 1. 5, cruell spies. The 4tos. 1590, 1596, and fol. 1609 read cruelties, which is corrected in Faults escaped in the Print.'

P. 19, bk. I. c. ii. st. 17, l. 9, die (1609), dies (1590).

P. 19, bk. I. c. ii. st. 18, 1. 1, quoth (1596) qd. (1590).

P. 19, bk. I. c. ii. st. 19, 1. 9, et passim (Books I. II. III.) whither (1596), whether (1590).

P. 20, bk. I. c. ii. st. 22, 1. 5, thy (1590), your (1596).

P. 20, bk. 1. c. ii. st. 29, 1. 2, shade him thither (1590), shade thither (1596), shadow thither (1609).

P. 20, bk. 1. c. ii. st. 29, 1.3, now ymounted. now that mounted (1590, 1596). The reading in the text is found in Faults escaped in the Print.' P. 21, bk. I. c. ii. st. 32, 1. 9, plaints (1596), plants (1590). st. 38, 1. 7, the (1590), that

P. 26. bk. I. c. iii. in errata. P. 29, bk. I. c. iv. st. 16, 1.3, hurtlen (1590), hurlen (1609).

P. 29, bk. I. c. iv. st. 23, 1. 7, dry dropsie (1590), ? dire dropsie (Upton), hydropsy (Collier). P. 29, bk. 1. c. iv. st. 24, 1. 3, whally (1590), walled (?).

P. 30, bk. I. c. iv. st. 27, 1.6, pelfe (1596), pelpe (1590).

P. 30, bk. I. c. iv. st. 29, 1. 9, fourth (1596), forth (1590). st. 30, 1. 4, chaw (1590), jaw

P. 30, bk. I. c. iv.

(1609).
P. 30, bk. I. c. iv.
neibors (1590).

P. 30, bk. I. c. iv.

st. 30, 1. 6, neighbours (1596),

st. 32, 1.9, fifle. first (1590), but fifle is among the errata in Faults escaped in the Print.'

P. 31, bk. I. c. iv. st. 39, 1. 2, faery (1596), fary (1590).

P. 31, bk. I. c. iv. st. 41, 1. 9, renverst (1590), re'nverst (1609).

P. 31, bk. I. c. iv. st. 43, ll. 1, 3, pledge, edge (1596), | pledg, edg (1590).

P. 33, bk. 1. c. v. st. 2, 1. 5, hurld. The 4to. 1590 has hurls, but hurld is in Faults escaped in the Print.' The editions 1596, 1609 retain the incorrect reading.

P. 33, bk. I. c. v. st. 7, 1. 9, And hewen helmets deepe (1590), And helmets hewen deepe (1596). P. 34, bk. I. c. v. st. 15, 1. 2, thristy (1590), thirstie (1596).

P. 36, bk. 1. c. v. st. 35, 1. 9, leke (1590), leake(1596). P. 36, bk. I. c. v. st. 38, 1. 6, cliffs. The editions 1590, 1596, and 1609 read clifts. The correction is supplied in Faults escaped in the Print.'

P. 37, bk. I. c. v. st. 41, 1.2, nigh (1590), high (1596).

P. 38, bk. I. c. v. st. 52, 1. 9, ensewd (1596), ensewed (1590).

P. 38, bk. I. c. vi. st. 1, 1. 5, in. The 4tos. and
folio 1609 read it, though in is among the errata.
P. 40, bk. I. c. vi. st. 15, 1.2, Or Bacchus (1590),
Of Bacchus (1596); Hughes, If Bacchus.

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