lands by native law and custom inalienable. That indeed would be a wonderful change in the whole status and outlook of the native populations, and would constitute such a charter of freedom as they can in no way otherwise attain, for the whole future of the native depends on his possession of the land, and it is expulsion from this primitive heritage which has everywhere been the root cause of his misery and his oppression. In lands capable of white settlement this ideal may be unattainable, but in the tropical regions it is still open to us, and it would indeed be a glory to the administration of the League if it could establish so precious a rule. As to trade and the exploitation of natural resources, the draft mandate again very properly enlarges and defines the far too vague and limited prescription of the Covenant. This merely enjoins that the mandatory shall 'secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other members of the League.' Obviously that is only a temporary provision, and the restriction of trading facilities to members of the League cannot last. The draft mandate extends them to‘subjects of all nations,' and forbids at the same time any monopoly of any sort, in mining, commercial, or industrial matters,' as also any 'discriminating duties upon exports which would have the effect of restricting the world's markets to the native producer.' That is a clear application of the principle that we shall in the administration of these lands treat the interests of their peoples as, in all sincerity, a trust. If that principle is accepted the rest follows; if it is not accepted, what becomes of the fine profession of the Covenant to which every signatory Power has pledged itself, and what is to be put in its place? At long last there is here a chance of making practice square with profession."-Manchester Guardian, July 28.

"The terms of mandate issued by our own Aborigines Protection Society present a definition of the relations between ruler and ruled which may well become a Declaration of Rights. Its principles should apply not only in cases where a mandate exists, but wherever one race takes the great responsibility involved in ruling another. . . The final safeguard of the native's rights, however, is his ownership of the land, and the demand that the League of Nations should preserve to the natives all the land not already alienated is at the base of the charter. Without these clauses no mandate can be carried out 'upon the principle of a trusteeship for and on behalf of the inhabitants of the mandated area.' Without the guarantee of that principle no mandate should be granted or continued."-Daily News, July 25.

"The Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society issues a memorandum laying down the principles which they think should be subscribed to by those who accept mandates for the late German Colonies. There are many colonial systems in vogue, and it would not be fair to impose upon a mandatory Power terms of government inconsistent with its peculiar governing genius. Nevertheless, if the League of Nations is to be a reality, and the mandate a real one, it is evident that general principles of government laid down by the League must be accepted by those who derive authority from the League. The memorandum of the Society sets forth a very useful draft mandate which might well be accepted as a working basis for discussion."-Daily Chronicle, July 25.

The Matives of Togoland.

THE following letter has been received from the natives of Togoland, together with a copy of a petition which has been forwarded to Lord Milner, appealing

that their country may remain, in accordance with native wishes, under the administration of Great Britain as Mandatory.

TO ANTI-SLAVERY AND A.P. SOCIETY, LONDON.

SIR,

LOME-TOGOLAND,
June 16, 1919.

Enclosed please find the following letter and copy of petition forwarded by the people of Togoland to His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, and trust your press will assist the natives of Togoland to stay under the present Government.

SIR,

Yours very truly,

R. AFLAWO COLE.

LOME-TOGOLAND,

June 16, 1919.

Permit us please to insert in your valuable paper the following for publication:

As the world drama is coming to a close and peace would soon be signed, we would like to know if we shall be consulted as to the Government we desire to serve under, or if the wish of the people would be consulted in accordance with President Wilson's Fourteen Points? We point out that it will be the interest of the British Government to save us from the political ruin which is approaching us; if a mandate is given to any other Power besides the present Government it would be an indelible stain on the fair name of England if we are handed over to alien Government of not our choice.

To avoid being handed over to a Government of not our choice the following petition has been forwarded straight by the people of Lome, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, LORD MILNER, pointing out our determination to stay under the Mandatory of Great Britain.

We have every hope that your powerful press would be an exponent to invoke England during the peace Conference to hear our prayer. We remain, etc.,

NATIVES.

CABLEGRAM TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES, London. Please convey the following petition to the Peace Conference through the proper channel.

We, the undersigned, inhabitants of Togoland, humbly submit this for consideration in the Peace Conference.

1. That according to the definite assurances of President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George, published in the newspapers to the effect that the wishes of the inhabitants would always be considered when deciding what Power should administer their country, we confidently hope they will redeem this pledge in the case of Togoland.

2. The people of Togoland are English-speaking, and during the régime of the late German Government the necessity for the acquisition of the English language was so great that influential men had to send their sons abroad for English education.

3. Since the British occupation the Administration is considered just, humane and uplifting, and we ardently desire the continuity of such a benevolent Government.

4. It will be an irreparable injustice to us natives of Togoland if we are handed over to rulers other than the British whose influence is predominant here.

In the event of our wishes not being granted we must feel that we are dealt with contrary to the popular demand.

This we solemnly and sincerely commend to your serious consideration in deciding the fate of this Colony which is sentimentally British. (Signed)

OCTAVIANO OLYMPIO,

President of Committee on behalf of Togoland Natives.

The Gold Coast Aborigines Society, "composed of Kings, Chiefs, Eastern, Central, Western Provinces in Conference at Cape Coast," have also sent a cablegram to the King-Emperor, praying "for retention at the Peace Conference Togoland, which is contiguous to Gold Coast, inhabitants whereof being their own kith and kin."

Parliamentary.

THE COLONIAL OFFICE DEBATE.

THE Under-Secretary for the Colonies in his statement in the House of Commons upon the introduction of the Colonial Office Vote on July 30 made very interesting references to a number of Colonial problems (otherthan the question of the Chartered Company and Rhodesia, which is specially referred to below), of which some record should appear in these pages.

After referring to the part borne by the Dominions and Colonies in the War and the great military effort which had been put forth by the Crown Colonies, as for instance in East Africa and Rhodesia where more than two-thirds of the male inhabitants joined the Army, while the Native troops had done valuable work, both as combatants, carriers and other

auxiliaries, Colonel Amery spoke of the importance of repair and reconstruction in the Colonies and Protectorates: this he said

“must mean something more than the restoration of pre-war conditions; it must mean that we must set up a new and more positive standard of our duty and obligation towards the peoples to whom this House is in the position of a trustee, and to those territories whose boundless potentialities call urgently for development in the interests of their own inhabitants, of the British Empire as a whole, and of the impoverished and wasted world."

Large territories were likely to be assigned to Great Britain by mandate under the terms of the Peace Treaty; this would not, Colonel Amery believed, impose upon us conditions which we should not impose upon ourselves in dealing with subject peoples, but it was now our task to do this work more strenuously and successfully than ever.

"We must have a new standard of effort and achievement, and a new consciousness in regard to the task that lies before us."

On the question of Health, Col. Amery said much had already been done and the death rate, both amongst white officials and natives, had largely gone down in East Africa, but owing to the War and the need for porters and carriers there had been a great flow of population backwards and forwards which had spread disease, and the state of that country called for very great efforts to bring it back to the pre-war position.

Colonel Amery contended that we had been in advance of other administrations in our endeavour to cope with the Liquor traffic. Last year the Colonial Secretary had announced complete prohibition of imported trade spirits for British West African Colonies, which involved a loss to the revenue of Nigeria alone of something like £1,000,000 a year, and of £500,000 to that of the Gold Coast. The British and French Governments had between themselves agreed to the raising of the minimum duty on trade spirits into their tropical Colonies to 17s. 6d. per gallon.

As regards the great labour problem Colonel Amery said we had to deal with it in a constructive spirit. The Government hoped to induce the Native to become his own employer and his own cultivator, and he instanced the success of the Cocoa Industry in the Gold Coast. He was not, he said, one who believed that the white man's plantation with hired coloured labour should cover the whole field, for he wished to see the field of the small native cultivator extended as widely as possible, but there was plenty of room and need for both kinds. The old indenture system had aroused strong opposition in India.

Referring to the education of Natives, Colonel Amery emphasized the importance of practical education in Agriculture. The Government wanted.

to start Agricultural colleges for research from which new ideas and better methods would be diffused; the War had put a stop to measures of this sort, but he hoped to take the matter up again.

The Under-Secretary said that we had never realized sufficiently the immense possibilities of the Crown Colonies and Protectorates and the immense wealth which would be created by science, energy and organization.

The prime object, of course, of that development must be the welfare of the inhabitants of those regions. Our first duty is to them; our object is not to exploit them but to enable them materially as well as in every other respect to rise to a higher plane of living and civilization."

RHODESIA.

The Rhodesian land question and the position of the Chartered Company were well discussed in the debate.

COLONEL AMERY made special reference to it in his opening speech, and began by justifying the work of the Company, which he said was not a mere trading concern but had been started by Mr. Rhodes in order to retain a great region of Southern Central Africa under the British flag. "The fact that Rhodesia was British was invaluable in South Africa." The Company had been declared by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council to have acted as agent of the Crown which owned the land, and as it was therefore entitled to reimbursement of deficits incurred on its administrative expenditure, the Government had appointed a Commission, with Lord Cave as Chairman, in order to determine what were commercial and what administrative expenses. The Commission would take evidence both here and in South Africa.

Colonel Amery said, in reply to questions by Sir Donald Maclean, that the Commission would consider whether the Matabele War expenditure was necessary and proper, and that the Government would accept the assessment of the Commission "as a correct and final interpretation in terms of money of the Privy Council judgment," but the whole question would be fully discussed in the House before Parliament was asked to vote any money.

Referring to the attack made upon the Chartered Company in Mr. Harris's pamphlet which he stigmatized as "rather lurid and highly inaccurate,”—although it was significant that Colonel Amery refrained from intimating a single inaccuracy,-Colonel Amery said that these matters had been discussed at the time of the War, dwelt on the misrule of the Matabele, and said that the Imperial Government did then take effective steps to look after the interests of the natives.

The Under-Secretary also made a brief reference to the position of