the Court of Appeals which liberated Tweed from prison by a writ of habeas corpus, and is quoted entire in Mr. Browne's review of the Ring decisions of that Court, which was printed in Harper's Weekly of November 13th; and on his deathbed, up to the moment at which he ceased to busy himself with mortal interests, his thoughts have been full of the cause of political reform.

"One secret of the general and utter devotion of Mr. O'Conor to this cause lay in the fact that he was a genuine democrat. Without citing any of the countless illustrations of this, which might be drawn from the ordinary incidents of his life, we cannot refrain from allusions to the remarkable article, published scarcely a year ago, in which he embodied his political creed, and which he first committed, under the title of "Democracy," to the singular repository of Johnson's Cyclopædia, and afterward consented to print, with supplementary notes, in one of the public journals. If his fame should rest on no other foundation than this essay, it alone would admit him to the first rank of political philosophers; and we predict for it as eminent a place in the literature of political science as is conceded to the writings of Locke, or Rousseau, or Jefferson. Men holding looser theories of the sphere of law will combat its conclusions, and will claim that it is impracticable to apply its theory to human society in this century; but none will deny the purity of its aims, the tenacity of its logic, or the tendency of the best minds of the present age to adopt its argument, with more or less qualification for the limitation of the functions of government.

"But apart from any political theories that impelled Mr. O'Conor to the great services which he has rendered to his countrymen in these later years, a sufficient cause is manifest in the concurrence of opportunity with ability that summoned him to a combat from which he did not shrink, although he well knew the cost to himself of the undertaking. At an age and after labours which entitled him to pass declining years in calm and ease, he heard their call for succour, and hurried to the strife in the truest spirit of chivalry. He dies in armour, at the head of the array of all good men against the powers of political corruption; and the best honour we can pay to his memory-the only honour he would ask-is, that we shall close the ranks, and continue the fight to victory."

Charles O'Conor survived to read his own obituary, but he was never again the same strong man as before. In 1881 he retired to the island of Nantucket, in the State of Massachusetts, where he built a large house on the sand bluffs outside the old town. There he passed the remainder of his days, his visits to New York or the mainland being very rare. Just before his death, in 1884, he visited New York for a few days. A trifling cold, which was not regarded with apprehension, developed into a fatal illness, and he returned to Nantucket only to die, his death taking place on the 12th May, 1884.

Charles O'Conor married the widow of Mr. L. H. M'Cracken, and daughter of Mr. Francis Livingstone, a descendant of one of the first English settlers in America. He had no issue, and his family are now represented by the sons of his sister, Mrs. Sloane.

CHAPTER

XXV I.

A.D. 1790-1845.

DENIS O'CONOR, SON OF CHARLES OF BELANAGARE.

A.D. 1790-1804.

ENIS O'CONOR, the eldest son of Charles, unlike his father and his younger brother, seldom took any very active part in the political affairs of his country; but, nevertheless, his position as the head of one of the most respected Catholic families in Ireland forced him. into a prominence from which his modesty and retiring disposition would naturally have shrunk. At the time of his father's death, in 1790, Catholic affairs had reached a crisis. The Catholic Association, founded by his father, Dr. Curry, and Mr. Wyse, had run its course. It had accomplished much, but more remained unaccomplished. The Catholics had been relieved from many of the disabilities under which they previously laboured; but still, politically, they were degraded slaves, of whose very existence the State took no cogni

zance.

It is true that in 1777 many of the penal laws were repealed; Catholics were allowed to hold lands in their own names; to enter into long leases; to practise their religion without any hindrance; and the monstrous provisions under which Charles O'Conor nearly lost his estates were done away with; but still, nearly all their political disabilities continued. Irish Catholics were allowed no political power, and all the offices of the state, from the lowest magistracy to the Chancellorship, were closed against them. Forming the vast majority of the inhabitants of the country, they had not even the privilege of voting for a Protestant representative.

The first Catholic Association was succeeded by others under different names; and for some time before 1790 a Catholic Committee had been formed,

of which Lord Kenmare was the leading and ruling member. After the formation of the Irish Volunteer corps, and the stand which they took in demanding independence for the Irish parliament, the government became alarmed. The remonstrances and petitions for redress of grievances which a few years before seemed, at least, harmless, began to be regarded with suspicion and distrust; and the Irish Protestants, having gained their own political independence, evinced no desire to relinquish the ascendency which they had hitherto maintained over their Catholic fellow-countrymen. Under these circumstances, Lord Kenmare, afraid of offending the government, and of bringing down on his party the hostility of parliament, and believing himself all-powerful in the Catholic Committee, gave expression to sentiments. signifying that the Catholics, as a body, were satisfied to remain in a position of inferiority, and only wanted the removal of some of the most pressing wrongs which weighed them down.

His action was at once called in question by other members of the committee; and after a discussion and debate, Lord Kenmare, finding himself in a minority, retired from the Association. Some years later, the Society of United Irishmen was formed by the Protestants of Belfast. An address was also issued from the Protestant Volunteers of that city; and, as before mentioned, their declaration in favour of perfect religious and political equality was received with the highest marks of approbation throughout Catholic Ireland, and gave new strength and courage to the party opposed to Lord Kenmare. The leading men on this side of the question were John Keogh of Mount Jerome, and Edward Byrne, both belonging to the mercantile rather than to the aristocratic section of the Catholic body. After the issue of the Belfast declaration, Keogh and Wolfe Tone became the greatest friends and allies; and the latter, although a Protestant, was, through Keogh's influence, appointed as Secretary to the Catholic Committee, taking also upon himself the functions of their political agent-functions which had previously been discharged by Richard, the son of the great Edmund Burke.

Before, however, this event took place, the Catholic Committee underwent a complete transformation. Up to the year 1790, although composed of men sent from different parts of the country, as representatives of the Catholic feeling therein, it could not be said to represent the Catholic people. Its members were chosen in an informal way; they were selected, rather than elected, and represented the aristocracy, the monied, and the educated classes, rather than the people; and although called delegates, strictly speaking, they had no well-defined constituents.

At a meeting of this body, held in Dublin on 17th December, 1791, resolutions were adopted which, in the end, led to its complete reorganization. These resolutions were to the following effect :—

"MEETING OF THE GENERAL COMMITTEE OF THE CATHOLICS OF Ireland, 17th December, 1791. EDWARD BELLEW, ESQ., IN THE CHAIR.

"Resolved. That we approve of the past conduct of our Sub-Committee, and confide in their future diligence and zeal for making such applications to the legislature as may be deemed expedient for obtaining a further relaxation of the penal laws.

"Resolved. That we refer to the petition to be presented to parliament in the last session as a criterion of our sentiments; and that we are ready to renew our declarations of loyalty to the king, attachment to the constitution, and obedience to the laws, whenever the legislature shall require it.

"Resolved. That the resolutions unanimously agreed to on the 15th November, 1783, be now again confirmed and inserted as part of our determinations, at this meeting, which resolutions are as follows:

'That we feel ourselves particularly called upon to declare, that this committee consists of every Roman Catholic nobleman and gentleman of landed property, and of other gentlemen chosen by their fellow-subjects of that persuasion in Dublin, and other principal parts of the kingdom.

'That thus constituted, we have for several years past, on all public occasions, been the medium through which the voice of the Roman Catholics of Ireland has been conveyed, and the only one competent thereto.'"

The petition here referred to was to the following effect, and was inserted as part of these resolutions :

"TO THE RT. HON. AND HON. THE KNIGHTS, CITIZENS, AND BURGESSES IN PARLIAMENT

"SHEWBTH

ASSEMBLED.

THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.

"That a century has now nearly elapsed since several laws, highly penal in their effect, were passed by the legislature of this country, excluding the Catholic inhabitants thereof from numberless privileges and advantages enjoyed by the rest of their fellow-subjects.

"That whilst the consequences of those laws were felt in their severest operation, the loyalty of the Catholics of Ireland was unshaken, and their conduct uniformly marked with that respect and submission due to legislative authority.

"That your petitioners beg leave to suggest to this honourable house, that the laws of which they complain were passed in a season of animosity, at the close of party contention, and as the penalty of political opinions which it is universally admitted do not at this day exist; that they were continued as having been deemed necessary to secure the succession in the august house of Brunswick. That every danger to that succession is now removed, and that even if it were otherwise, they have lately bound themselves to their beloved sovereign and their country by the most awful and sacred obligation; an obligation to which

your petitioners refer with greater confidence, as, if oaths were lightly estimated by Catholics, they might, long since, have entitled themselves to the full rights of citizens.

"That some years since, the Parliament of this kingdom was, in its wisdom and humanity, pleased to remove part of the restrictions under which your petitioners lay; and that this indulgence, far from producing any ill effects, has only served to strengthen the loyalty of your petitioners, and to contribute to the growing prosperity of the empire.

"That by the laws still in force, the Catholics of Ireland, though entitled through the benevolence of Parliament to purchase lands, are precluded from almost every opportunity of improving the natural advantages of talents and connexions; and that where inclination, or any other circumstance, has disqualified them from commercial pursuits, they are under the cruel necessity of becoming exiles from their families and country, and seeking that situation in foreign states which is denied them in their native land.

"That your petitioners feel a conscious pride in being able to offer their past, as a pledge of their future good conduct, and humbly beg leave to insist, that men sincerely and warmly attached to the constitution of their country, even when they were the objects of its censure and severity, are not likely to become less anxious for its preservation, from being admitted to a fuller participation of its blessings.

"Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that this Honourable House will take the premises into consideration, and grant to your petitioners such relief as to its wisdom, justice, and humanity shall seem meet.

"And your petitioners will ever pray."

These resolutions were regarded in the Committee as a direct challenge to the adherents of the policy of Lord Kenmare; and they, on the motion of Mr. William Bellew, divided against them, but were left in a minority of 17 to 90. The resolutions having been thus endorsed by such an enormous majority, steps were at once taken to obtain the approval of the Catholics in the different parts of the country, and, amongst others, Denis O'Conor was communicated with in the following letter:

66 'January 7th, 1792.

"SIR,-I have communicated your last most interesting letter to Mr. Keogh, Mr. Broughall, Mr. M'Donnell, and some other friends whom I judged best qualified to furnish you with the information and instructions you required; it convinced them fully of what they before feared, the fatal omission of which we of the Committee have been guilty in not making effectual provision for the regular and constant transmission of our proceedings and intentions to our constituents in every part of the kingdom. As the only thing we could do to remedy the mischief already done, a few of us took upon ourselves to order the immediate publication of resolutions and addresses that have come in to us from every part of the country, and that have been voted, and are every day being voted, in the different parishes of this city. Some of these you will see in this night's Eve. Post, the rest will follow as there shall be room for them. A circular letter is also preparing, giving a full detail of our proceedings, and, in particular, of our motives for rejecting Mr. Bellew's motion of the 17th December. This, I fear, cannot be issued till after the meeting of the Committee this night