and ignorant people. This being now enough, if not too much, to describe the success of that royal army in eight months' space, to show the loss of her majesty's people, the dishonour cast on our nation, the diminution of her majesty's greatness, always held in so great admiration in foreign parts, besides the addition to the rebels' insolency, when they had found so much of their own strength in their many encounters, you may easily see what followed: his lordship's return before his restraint could either be known or thought of; for when his lordship arrived at court, the 28th of September, and that captain Warren was gone to Tyrone, by my lord's former directions, to receive his answer to certain articles committed to his delivery (their meeting following to be the 29th of the same month), the arch-traitor was so swollen with rancour and glory, that he could not contain himself from these insolent words to Warren "that he did not doubt that he should hear within two months of a greater alteration in England than ever was, and that he himself did not doubt to show his face here, and possess a good share in this kingdom. How this speech on Michaelmas day could be received from his lordship's disgrace in court on Michaelmas eve, unless some good or evil angel could fly with the news from Nonsuch into Ulster, within twenty-four hours, my poor genius cannot comprehend; neither can I see how we, that are her majesty's humble servants, can do less than now we have done, to free her actions from all unjust imputation, who by her gracious justice and prudent government, hath won hitherto so great fame, and so high commendation."

This was the speech of a minister, under whose administration an enterprise, both military and political in its character had failed. Essex was the commander (having also a political authority), to whose hands the enterprise had been entrusted. Could the minister have been expected to take the whole blame upon the government, and, speaking of 1600, I may say upon the queen, -in a case too, in which the faults of the general's con

duct were palpable? Let Cecil's speech be read with these considerations in the mind, and it will be found altogether blameless.

Although Cecil was now believed by contemporaries to exercise in favour of Essex, his increasing influence* with the queen, her inherited severity was not to be assuaged.

After a pause of more than six months, Essex was brought before a tribunal specially constituted for his trial. Cecil was a member of this court, which included several ministers, five of the judges, and several peers and others not in office.t I have not Cecil's speech on this occasion, but from Moryson's represent. ation, it appears to have been in the same strain with the former. He insisted much upon the justification of her majesty's wisdom in managing the whole business, as much as lay in her, and laid the entire fault of the ill success in Ireland upon the earl's ominous journey, as he termed it, into Munster. He gave the earl, however, his right always, and spared more courtesy to him than any other; and Essex was so well satisfied with the secretary's mode of treating his case, and so contented with the opinion of loyalty freely reserved to him, that he would not avail himself

"Mr. secretary has bestowed many a great new year's gift this year in court. Her majesty's favour increases towards him, so careful he is of her business and service; and indeed the whole weight of the state lies upon him. Some say he doth all good offices towards the earl; but her majesty's Indignation cannot be removed. I hear that her majesty has bestowed upon his son, a gallant fair boy, a coat, girdle, and dagger, hat and feather, and a jewel to wear in it; and here he must be to-morrow." (R. Whyte, 5th of January, 1599-1600. Sidney Papers, ii. 156.) "Mr. Herbert was com manded to go with the rest of the lords to the council chamber, to be sworn a privy counsellor, and her majesty's second secretary, 'for,' said she, turning to Mr. secretary Cecil, 'this man shall be my only principal secre tary; so he had the oath given unto him of a counsellor, and as second secretary, which bars him of much power due to a principal secretary; for it is doubted that his warrants for money matters will be of no force to the treasurer of the chamber, which office depends upon the principal secretary's warrants. I truly understand that Mr. Secretary only, is the procurer of this honour done unto him." (May 12. 1600. ii. 194.) The distinction between Cecil and Herbert, is made in the queen's ecclesiastical commission of February 3d, 1600. Cecil is styled "right trusty and well-beloved counsellor our principal secretary of state." Herbert is put after the chancellor of exchequer, and the chief justice of England (whom Cecil precedes), without the emphatic words which I have put in italics. (Rymer, xvi. 400.; and see Nicolas on the Office of Secretary of State, p. 41.) + Birch, ii. 452.

of the permission which Cecil gave him, to interrupt him while he was making his statement. On one point of considerable importance, Essex was acquitted upon the testimony of Cecil.

This point may surprise some of my readers, accustomed to the tolerance of the present age. The fourth charge against the earl was his conference with Tyrone; the attorney-general Coke, had imputed to Essex a negotiation with that arch-rebel, not only for the pardon of Tyrone and his adherents, but for the "public toleration of an idolatrous religion.* ... The secretary cleared the earl in this respect, that he had never yielded to Tyrone that scandalous condition.t

The sentence pronounced by the court forbad him to exercise his functions "as a privy councillor, earl marshal, or master of the ordnance, and ordered him to return to his own house, there to continue a prisoner as before, until it should please her majesty to release this and all the rest.”

For the times, this was a mild sentence, especially as the concluding words of it contained, in effect, a strong recommendation to mercy. It does not appear, nor do I believe, that Cecil had a greater share in this sentence than any other of the commissioners; it surely affords no evidence of a vindictive spirit. The queen, probably, would not have been contented with a milder sentence, for she would have even unmade the knights whiom Essex had made in Ireland, if the more considerate judgment of Cecil had not dissuaded her from this harsh method of expressing her displeasure. The kindness of Cecil was shown without intermission, until Essex was set at liberty.§

It does not belong to me to narrate in this place the

* Birch, 449.

+ I give this as I find it, although I cannot well reconcile it with Cecil's speech in the star-chamber (see p. 56-7. ante), in which he sets forth the tolerant spirit of the queen's government in Ireland. Moryson's state. ment, however, clearly shows that Cecil acted fairly, I may say favourably, towards Essex.

Sidney Papers, ii. 204.

August, 1600. p. 197. 212. 213.

extraordinary proceedings which led to the trial of Essex before his peers, and his consequent execution. As secretary of state, Robert Cecil took part in the arrangement of evidence for the trial; there is nothing to show that this was done with any unfairness towards Essex. But a paper in the Museum, which has never been published, purporting to be a speech delivered by sir Robert Cecil, in the star-chamber, on the 13th of February, 1600, shows that he did not at this time disguise his opinion of the treasonable character of Essex's proceedings, not only in the outbreak in the city, but in his dealings with Tyrone. He spoke now of "the bloody hand of that most treacherous and popular traitor Essex, who, for the space of these six years, has greedily thirsted to be king of England, and to have left the queen's sacred person in the place of confusion with R2. His plotting with Tyrone, that arch-traitor, was wrought by letters sent by Blount, his chief counsellor, in those actions wherein there was a secret conspiracy with Tyrone, of their desired subversion of the state of England; and that the traitor Essex's coming into England was to no other end, but hoping, after a month's stay with the queen, to achieve some of his deceitful and flattering practices with her highness, and so to have on his return, met and received Tyrone with 8000 men, who should also, with his whole power of Irish rebels, have invaded this realm of England.

"His great object was to gain popularity by promising advancement, by a show of religion, by procuring to the papists liberty of conscience, and by great affability and courtesy."

See Southey, 175.

+ Mr. Jardine, in his Criminal Trials (i. 342., to which publication, as more recent, I refer, even in preference to Howel's State Trials), says, "that in these times, the statements of witnesses were discharged of all suspicious matter before they were proved in court;" and gives a letter from Cecil to Coke, relating to the evidence of sir Christopher Blunt, to which, as I am, equally with Mr. Jardine, unable to explain it, I merely thus refer.

1600-1. Harleian, 6854. p. 253.
I don't understand this.

Another charge consisted in the employment of papists, and the dedication of Persons's book on the succession to the throne of England, in which Essex was addressed as "highness," was adduced as a further instance of a treacherous disposition; though, after fourteen days, he laid the book before the archbishop with a view to its being suppressed. "What shall I say? Is it possible, that he whom her majesty has so tenderly brought up under the shadow of her own wings, that her highness graced with so many princely advancements; as first, at twenty-two years of age, to make him master of the horse, president of her majesty's council, earl marshal of England, and lastly, gave him 300,0001.

"I say, could it be possible to any Christian heart, that this man should become such a monster, as this unnatural and savage kind of rebellion has laid open to the world? Has this arch-rebel Essex had such audacious adherents that would not tremble to lay violent hands on her majesty's sacred person? to imprison her majesty's council, threatening the murdering of them; and scornfully bidden, cast the great seal of England (which is the keeper of this land,) out of the window; to kill her majesty's judges in the seat of justice, to enterprise the taking of the Tower of London, and so to have again delivered those traitors therein, to the utter subversion of this kingdom? Well, I am amazed at the remembrance hereof. But the due and reverend regard I have of her majesty's care of all her loving subjects and vassals (whereof I am one,) has made me say so much, which, had I not been pressed to speak upon so sudden advisement, I would have my wits together, for delivery hereof, in some better method."

There is in this speech a violence of language which Cecil seldom used, but there is no misrepresentation.*

* See Essex's treasonable proceedings detailed in Southey, 129. 173., &c. ; and see Camden, 640. "The actual treason plotted with Tyrone, was certainly the most criminal of Essex's proceedings; and as it appears, from Cecil's speech, that the government was already conusant of them, I know not why they were omitted in the indictment against Essex."