In Sussex it was not until about the year 680 that the conversion of the people-the king and queen had already embraced Christianity-began. It was effected by the agency of bishop Wilfrid, who had been driven from York.

Thus in the middle of the seventh century, even among the Teutonic inhabitants of Britain, the two forms of Christianity, the Roman and the Keltic, were represented in nearly equal proportions. The differences, which were in respect of minor points, were exaggerated by both parties to the complete rupture not only of community of faith, but of community of life.13 The Irish bishop Dagan refused to eat under the same roof as the archbishop of Canterbury.14 The Romish clergy, on their part, so soon as they felt strong enough, treated the Kelto-Christian clergy as not entitled to officiate, and did not recognize the validity of orders conferred by them.15

Repeated attempts had been made to induce the Kelts to surrender their special uses. Thus Augustine had held two solemn conferences with the British bishops (about 603); 16 whilst Laurentius, the second archbishop of Canterbury, had addressed letters to the clergy of the Irish and the Britons.17 Both had failed in their efforts. It was only in South Ireland that the popes, before the middle of the seventh century, succeeded in obtaining the acceptance of the Roman uses. 18

13 Reports in Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. I, 202. For later times cf. Beda (d. about 734) Hist. Eccles. Book II, c 20 § 147:

hodie moris sit Brittonum fidem religionemque Anglorum quippe cum usque

neque in aliquo eis magis communicare quam paganis.

pro nihilo habere,

.

14 Letter of Laurentius, Mellitus and Justus to the Scottish (=Irish) bishops (604-610) printed in Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. III, 61: Daganus Episcopus ad nos veniens, non solum cibum nobiscum, sed nec in eodem hospitio quo vescebamur, sumere voluit.

15 Compare especially Theodore's Penitential (Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. III, 173 ff.), Book II, c 9 §§ 1-3. § 1 runs as follows: Qui ordinati sunt a Scottorum vel Britonum Episcopis, qui in Pascha vel tonsura catholici non sunt, adunati aecclesiae non sunt, sed iterum a catholico Episcopo manus impositione confirmentur. See likewise the words of Wilfrid (664) in Eddius, Vita Wilfr. (Rer. Brit. Scr. No. 71) I, 18.-After the conference of Streoneshalch, however, Wini, bishop of Wessex, which followed the Roman use, consecrated Ceadda to York with the assistance of two British bishops-adsumptis in societatem ordinationis duobus de Brittonum gente episcopis. Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. I, 124. 16 Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. III, 38 ff.

17 Printed in Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. III, 61.

18 The efforts of pope Honorius I (625–38) and of the pope elect (640) John IV are reported in Beda, Hist. Eccles. Book II, c 19.-Beda, also in Hist. Eccles. Book III, c 3 § 155: Hoc etenim ordine septentrionalis Scottorum (Scotti = the inhabitants of Ireland and of the islands on the west of Scotland) provincia et omnis natio Pictorum illo adhuc tempore (635) pascha Dominicum celebrabat, aestimans se in hac observatione sancti ac laude digni patris Anatolii scripta secutam ; quod an verum sit, peritus quisque facillime cognoscit. Porro gentes Scottorum, quae in australibus Hibernae insulae partibus morabantur, jamdudum ad monitionem apostolicae sedis antistitis, pascha canonico ritu observare didicerunt. Beda, Book III, c 26 § 237: Reverso autem patriam Colmano, suscepit pro illo pontificatum Nordanhymbrorum famulus Christi Tuda (664), qui erat apud Scottos austrinos eruditus atque ordinatus episcopus, habens juxta morem provinciae illius coronam tonsurae ecclesiasticae, et catholicam temporis paschalis regulam observans;

As then the domains of the two forms of Christianity were no longer coincident with the domains of the two races, the Kelts and the Teutons, but, on the contrary, both forms were represented even in the Teutonic kingdoms, the need of uniformity became imperative. Moreover, a settlement of the controversy was easier to effect in the Teutonic kingdoms, where differences of race played no part.

When Paulinus fled from Northumbria, there had remained behind one deacon, at least, who followed the Roman use. Intercourse with the southern kingdoms of the Anglo-Saxons, with Gaul and with Italy afterwards served to keep alive a Roman party in Northumbria. This party derived further support from the fact that king Oswiu (Oswio, Oswy), Oswald's successor, married a Kentish princess, and caused his son Alchfrid to be instructed by the priest Wilfrid, who had studied in Rome and Lyon, and adhered to the Roman party.

To put an end to the controversy, Oswiu in 664 summoned a conference to meet at the monastery of Streoneshalch (= Whitby). At this conference there appeared bishops Colman of Northumbria, Cedd of Essex and Agilbert (before and perhaps still bishop of Wessex),19 as well as others of the clergy. The representatives of the two parties discussed in public the questions of the calculation of Easter and of the shape of the tonsure. The result of the discussion was, that king Őswiu decided in favour of the Roman use, which was now universally introduced into Northumbria and Essex.

Whatever remained of Keltic uses in the Teutonic kingdoms of Britain after the conference of Streoneshalch, was suppressed by archbishop Theodore of Canterbury (668-90). The national church council assembled by him in 673 at Herutford expressly confirmed the obligation to fix Easter according to the Roman mode of reckoning. 20

In the Keltic districts of the British Isles, however, the old usages held their ground almost everywhere up to the eighth or the beginning of the ninth century. It was, in some cases, considerably

21

19 It is doubtful whether Agilbert had yet become bishop of Paris. Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. III, 106, note.

20 Counc. Herutford (Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. III, 118) c 1: Ut sanctum diem Paschae in commune omnes servemus, Dominica post quartam decimam lunam mensis primi.

21 The Roman tonsure and calculation of Easter were accepted about 630 in South Ireland, in 704 in North Ireland (compare § 11, note 3) and probably in Cumbria (Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. II, 6; the date 688 is given by Skene, Celtic Scotland, 2nd ed. II, 219); in 705 the part of Cornwall subject to Wessex adopted the Roman Easter (Haddan and Stubbs Counc. 1, 673). The acceptance, about 710, of the Roman Easter and tonsure among the Picts was due to a decree of Nectan MacDərili (Haddan and Stubbs III, 294); whilst the monastery of Iona adopted it in 716 (Beda, Hist. Eccles. Book III, c 4, Book V, cc 22, 24).— The dates are brought together in Haddan and Stubbs III, 223. The Welsh bishoprics one after the other (middle of the eighth to the beginning of the ninth century. Haddan and Stubbs I, 203) and the western parts of Cornwall (probably from the middle of the ninth century. Haddan and Stubbs I, 674, 676) were the last of the Keltic churches to adopt the Roman Easter. Compare Bruno Krusch, Die Einführung des griechischen Paschalritus im Abendlande; in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde IX, 141 sq.

longer before the bishops of those districts surrendered their independent positions and allowed themselves to be incorporated in the papal organization of the church.22

As regards Wales 25 in particular, the princes of that country fell, from the beginning of the ninth century, into political dependence on the Anglo-Saxon kings. Soon afterwards began the gradual coalescence of the constitutions of the two churches. The bishoprics of South Wales came, from the end of the ninth century, into more or less close connexion with the Anglo-Saxon church.24 But it was not until the beginning of the twelfth century that the Welsh bishops completed their submission to the archbishop of Canterbury,25 and still another century passed before Welsh independence in state and church was wholly overthrown.

Meanwhile Christianity in England had again had to struggle for existence. With the beginning of the ninth century came a series of attacks from heathen Northmen, especially the Danes. They pillaged the country and destroyed, above all, many of the large monasteries. For long the Anglo-Saxons had to encounter reverses; at last in 878, under the leadership of Aelfred the Great, they routed the Danes, who were induced to settle peaceably under their own ruler in the northeastern and some of the eastern provinces, their king Guthrum I and many of his people accepting the Christian faith. A century of comparative respite from external attack followed, during which the Anglo-Saxon kings were able again to reduce the Danish part of the country to subjection. However, towards the end of the tenth century, successive hosts of Northmen, among whom Christians 26

22 In regard to Cornwall see Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. I, 673-695. From the middle of the ninth century the single British bishop of Cornwall recognized the supremacy of Canterbury. In the middle of the tenth century probably the first Saxon bishop of Cornwall was consecrated. In the first half of the eleventh century the British see was merged in the Saxon see of Crediton. 23 For the documents referring to Wales see Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. I, 202-620.

24 Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. I, 204, note.

25 Haddan and Stubbs, Counc. I, 308, note. Urban of Llandaff (1107) and Bernard of St. David's (1115) were the first bishops who subordinated themselves in every respect to the archbishop of Canterbury. Afterwards the same Bernard claimed metropolitan authority for the see of St. David's. New struggles ensued before Bangor and St. Asaph submitted to the archbishop of Canterbury, St. Asaph being the last to yield. On the fruitless endeavours of Giraldus de Barri, towards the end of the twelfth century, to raise once more the question of the independence of the see of St. David's see Introduction to Vol. I of the works of Giraldus (Rer. Brit. Ser. No. 21); on the efforts, equally fruitless, of bishop Beck of St. David's in 1284 see Introduction, pp. xxvii ff. to Vol. III Regist. Epist. Peckham (Rer. Brit. Scr. No. 77). For the attempt of the rebel earl Glendower in the years 1404 ff. to restore the ecclesiastical independence of the Welsh bishops compare Haddan and Stubbs I, 668 ff., Pauli, Gesch. von England, V, 33.

28 In Denmark king Harald II, about the middle of the tenth century, was forced into acceptance of Christianity by the emperor Otto I. His son Swen, who was likewise baptized, became an apostate and displaced his father. Harald died in 986. Swen (Swegen) headed most of the subsequent descents upon England and in 1013 expelled king Aethelred. He died in 1014; his sons Harald and Knut adopted the Christian faith. The former became king of

were now numbered, renewed the pressure. The bitter contest was ended by a fresh division of sovereignty: for a short time the AngloSaxon king, Eadmund Ironside (1016-17), and the leader of the Northmen, Knut the Great, ruled the two states of the divided realm, the latter monarch having previously embraced Christianity. Eadmund died very soon after the division, and Knut now became king of all England (1017).27 Knut favoured the church. From his reign Christianity in England was threatened no further by attacks. of the heathen.

§ 2.

b. Relation of state and church to one another."

During the early days of progressive conversion the church was entirely independent of the state. It entered the state as a sort of society, containing in itself all that was requisite for its own development and directed by its own heads. Nowhere had it any points of contact with the civil constitution; neither did the state influence the church, nor the church the state.

But this was very soon changed. Conversion, as a rule, followed certain lines: first the king was won over, and his example was used to work upon the nobility; not until this had been done was the effort made to convert the common folk. Thus the church rested upon the ruling powers. Among the lower people, for long it did not possess the necessary support: it was accordingly compelled to have regard to the wishes of the secular rulers of the state.

The clergy of those days were better educated than those about them; as a result, it was the bishops who everywhere took their places as chief counsellors to the kings. That civil and ecclesiastical influences in the several states should work in the same direction was a natural consequence of this close connexion between the leaders of the two interests.

Nor was there any opposition between the several kings and the central governors of the church at Rome. The communications which passed consisted mainly of admonitions from the pope to the kings, which the kings obeyed, and of petitions from the kings to the pope, which the pope did not reject.

This relation towards the pope continued unchanged when, in the beginning of the ninth century, the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms had been combined into a single state. Outwardly the pope meddled but little with the affairs of the English church; the sole important

1

Denmark, the latter leader of the Danish forces in England.-In Sweden Christianity gained the ascendency under Olaf Schoosskönig (circ. 1000), in Norway about the same time under Olaf I Trygväson.

27 In 1018, upon the death of his brother Harald, Knut became king of Denmark. 1 For instances of the exercise of papal influence in the ninth and tenth centuries see Stubbs, Const. Hist. I, 267 c 8 § 90.

a Gneist, Engl. Verfassungsgeschichte § 5 III.-Stubbs, Constitutional History c 8 § 89.

2

points in this regard are the conferring of the pallium on the two archbishops and the taxation of England by the imposition of Peter pence. Far more considerable was the influence which the pope exercised, not in definite legal forms, but in an informal way, either by personal or epistolary intercourse with Englishmen in high place, or through the mere force of that example, which the Italian and Frankish countries, more closely connected with the papal government, exerted upon less civilized England.

Within the land, church and state remained in intimate union. It is true, occasions already arose when the archbishop of Canterbury openly opposed the king. Such dissensions, however, were of a personal and transient character; there were no real and lasting controversies as to the relation of state to church. As a rule, the king with the assistance of the archbishop of Canterbury directed alike the secular and the ecclesiastical administration. At the national councils, wherein important measures and laws were discussed and adopted, both bishops and temporal magnates were present. The laws enacted dealt with spiritual as well as with secular things. In the legislation of Eadmund (940-46) and often afterwards, the resolutions arrived at are, it is true, divided in outward form into laws spiritual and laws temporal; but both groups rest on the consent of the same persons, nor is the division strictly carried out in regard to the substance of the several enactments. In these laws we find, as touching ecclesiastical affairs, regulations which deal with the keeping of the church's peace (ciric-grid), with the right of asylum, the chastity of the clergy, dues payable to the church, the duty of repairing church buildings, the observance of holidays and fasts, penal proceedings against the clergy and like matters. At other assemblies, held for the most part under the presidency of the archbishops, the chief subjects of discussion were the internal affairs of the church. King and secular magnates frequently took part in such ecclesiastical councils.

In like manner in lower spheres ecclesiastical and secular officials worked in concert. This was especially the case in the field of jurisdiction. The royal officer and the bishop sat together in the folk-moot of the shire. A similar relation seems to have prevailed in the hundred-moots. Moreover, it was everywhere the clergy who conducted the ordeal before the folk-moot.5 In cases where church interests were injured, part of the money penalties imposed

* Compare also the mention of the pope in Aethelred VIII (1014) c 26: Gif maesse-preôst man-slaga wurde, odde elles mân-weorc to swide gewurce, bonne bolige he ægores, ge hádes ge eardes and wraecnige swâ wide swâ papa him scrife, and dæd-bête georne (If a mass-priest becometh a manslayer or otherwise doeth too grave a misdeed, then let him lose all, class and country, and go into exile so far as the pope prescribeth for him, and let him willingly atone for the deed'). So Knut II c 41 (compare here leg. Hen. I [Schmid, appendix XXI] c 73 § 6). For the history of Peter pence see Paul Fabre, Recherches sur le denier de Saint Pierre en Angleterre au moyen âge in Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire published by l'école française de Rome, supplement to Vol. XII. 1892 pp. 159 ff.

3 So especially Dunstan (959-86). Cf. § 59, notes 3 and 4. 5 Cf. § 59, note 9.