them in the streets, and compelled the passengers to evacuate them, and carried away the wooden houses (bureaux de controle) erected on the Boulevards. They thus forced the public to submit to a higher rate of fares.

The case was taken into consideration by the conclave at the Luxembourg, and M. Louis Blanc fixed the salaries of the drivers and conductors of omnibuses at 3f. 50c. per day. He also considerably reduced the amount of the fines to which they were liable, and decided that their proceeds should in future specially belong to the conductors and drivers, and form a fund for the benefit of the sick and wounded, their widows and families.

Hitherto all had gone on smoothly, but there was an undercurrent of discontent at work which was destined to convulse the capital, and endanger the existence of the Republic as it had been accepted by the nation. There was a dangerous class of men called Communistes or So. cialists, in whose eyes the possession of property was a crime, and whose untiring object it was, and still is, to overthrow all existing institutions, and establish the dominion of an unchecked and unbridled democracy in its wildest and most licentious form. This party had been gradually growing in numbers and strength, and to them the Revolution seemed to be only half accomplished, while the rights of property were respected, and a curb was placed upon disorder. Those of their most prominent leaders were MM. Blanqui, Cabet, and Raspail, and the former had convoked a meeting of his associates in the Champs Elysées for

the 16th of April, without specifying the object for which they were summoned. The Government, however, took the alarm, and on that day the rappel was beaten throughout Paris, and the streets were filled with upwards of 200,000 National Guards. The meeting convened by M. Blanqui was held, and, after some violent speeches, the crowd, about 5000 in number, resolved to march to the Hôtel de Ville, and demand the dismissal of the more moderate Members of the Provisional Government.

When they arrived at the Pont Neuf, they found the bridge occupied by troops, and cries of "A bas les Communistes!" "A bas Blan qui!" rent the air. Finding that the attempt to proceed was vain, and that if they ventured to provoke a collision they must be overpowered and destroyed, they at last disbanded and dispersed.

In the afternoon numerous deputations waited on the Provisional Government to congratulate it on its escape, and testify their adhesion. In reply to one of these from the National Guard, M. Lamartine said:

"This day was announced to the Provisional Government as a day of danger to the Republic; we were sure beforehand that it would be a day of triumph for the country and for its children. I know by a recent trial, and I can see it by the visage of many amongst you, and by the intrepid and moderate energy which fills the heart of the armed citizens of the capital, that we, that France, will not want any other guard, any other army, than this civil, voluntary, spontaneous army, which has been formed of itself, not at the first tap of the drum, for you were

armed before the call to arm was beaten, but which is formed of itself at the first rumour of danger for the country and for public order."

He admitted that attempts had been made to sow division in the Provisional Government; but he said,

"If some differences of opinion, as is natural to expect in the great councils of a country, are to be seen in the Administration, unity exists in the patriotism, in the same love for the Republic, in the same devotedness which animates them towards Paris and France. This union is the symbol of that of all the citizens. Permit me to offer you, not in my own name, but in that of the unanimity of my colleagues, the deep-felt thanks, not of the Provisional Government, but of the whole of France, for whom this would have been a day of calamity and of civil war if the Government had been divided; and which, thanks to your energy, will be for her the day of the definitive and pacific triumph of our new institutions, which we wish to hand over entire and inviolate to the National Assembly, which will be the supreme unity of the country."

The 23rd and 24th of April were occupied by the elections of Representatives to sit in the National Assembly. The result was looked forward to with much interest; as in the composition of that body would depend the future character of the Republic. Future events showed that the effect of universal suffrage in France on this occasion was to return a much more Conservative and moderate body than could have been hoped for. But the truth is, that the nation was terrified at the doctrines

of the Communists and Red Republicans, as they were called from their adopting as their symbol a red flag, the use of which M. Lamartine, as we have seen, so eloquently denounced, when the attempt was made to substitute it for the tricolor. The candidates, therefore, who were known not to be men of extreme views had most favour, and the issue of the electoral struggle was satisfactory. The great contest was in the department of the Seine, which determined who were to be the representatives of Paris; and it was hailed as a most cheering proof of the state of feeling throughout France, that M. de Lamartine's name appeared at the head of the poll in the capital, and in eight other places he was also amongst those who were returned. The following is the list of successful candidates for that department, together with the number of votes given to each. As the first return of representatives of the capital, and an index of popular opinion, it is we think a most interesting document,

1. M. de Lamartine, member of the Provisional Government.

2. Dupont (de l'Eure), idem. 3. François Arago, idem

259,800 245,083 243,640

4. Garnier-Pagès, idem 5. Marrast, idem 6. Marie, idem. 7. Crémieux, idem. 8. Beranger, chansonier Carnot, Minister of Public Instruction.

9.

Amongst the unsuccessful candidates were the following:-MM. Goudchaux, Courtais, Barbès, Victor Hugo, Raspail, Arago, Le Roux, D'Alton Shée, Ney de la Moskowa, Eugène Sue, Dupetit Thouars, and Emile de Girardin.

M. Thiers was a candidate for the department des Bouches du Rhone, but was defeated. Amongst the returns for the provinces were the names of M. Dupin, M. de Tocqueville, M. Berryer, M. Leon Faucher, M. Mauguin, M. Billault, M. Duvergier de Hauranne, the Bishop of Quimper, and the Bishop of Orleans.

The disappointment felt by the

lower orders of the populace when they found that their favourite candidates in some places had not been successful occasioned serious riots; and at Amiens, Rochefort, Limoges, Rouen, and other towns disturbances took place, which were only quelled by armed force. At Rouen barricades were erected, and some severe fighting took place. The National Guards, and especially the guards mobiles, vigorously exerted themselves to restore order and put down the mob. It was clear, however, that there were already two parties in direct opposition and collision with each other, the Moderates and the Red Republicans; and we shall soon see that the strength between them was destined to terminate in an appeal to physical force in Paris, and deluge the capital in blood.

As a specimen of the opinions of the extreme democrats we give the following placard, which was signed by some of their leaders, and amongst others by Barbès, of whom we have already given some account, and posted everywhere on the walls of the streets of Paris on the 1st of May, but torn down by the order of the Provisional Government. It was headed

66 6

Société des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen.'

"This Society has for its object -first, to defend the rights of the people, the exercise of which has been restored to them by the Revolution of February; secondly, to draw from this Revolution all its

social consequences. As its point of departure, the Society takes the declaration of the rights of man as laid down in 1793 by Robespierre. It ensues that, in a political point of view, the Republic, one and indivisible, comprehends

the inalienable laws of the people. In a social point of view, the old constitution is abolished; and that which is called to replace it must rest on equality and fraternity, the fundamental principles of the new social compact. Consequently, the social revolution, now at its commencement, places itself between the Parias and the Privileged of the ancient state of society. To the first it says-Be united, but calm; for in this lies your strength. Your number is such that it must suffice to manifest your will, and make you obtain all you desire. It is also such that you cannot desire anything but what is just. Your voice and your will are the voice and the will of God. To the others it says The old social form has disappeared. The reign of privi

lege and exploitation is past. In the point of view of the ancient social form, if the privileges with which you were invested were acquired in a legal manner, do not avail yourselves of them: these laws were your own work; the immense majority of your brethren were strangers to them, and, therefore, are not bound to respect them. Rally, then, together, for you have need of the pardon of those whom you have so long sacrificed. If, in spite of this promise of pardon, you persist in remaining isolated in order to defend the old social form, you will find in the vanguard, on the day of conflict, our sections organized; and your brethren will no longer hold towards you the language of pardon, but that of justice.'