and violence: the services of the church were invaded by the intrusion of large bodies of Chartists. At some of their meetings, the proceedings bore a remarkable resemblance to those of 1819. At a great meeting at Kersal Moor, near Manchester, there were several female associations; and in imitation of the election of legislatorial attorneys, Chartists were desired to attend every election; when the members returned by show of hands, being the true representatives of the people, would meet in London at a time to be appointed. Thousands of armed men attacked the town of New- Riot at port: but were repulsed with loss by the Newport. spirit of Mr. Phillipps, the mayor, and his brother magistrates, and the well-directed fire of a small file of troops. Three of their leaders, Frost, Williams, and Jones, were tried and transported for their share in this rebellious outrage.1 Such excesses were clearly due to social disorganisation among the operatives, to be met by commercial and social remedies, rather than to political discontents,to be cured by constitutional changes; but being associated with political agitation, they disgraced a cause which,—even if unstained by crimes and outrage, would have been utterly hopeless.

of working

alone, in

The Chartists occupied the position of the democrats and radical reformers of 1793, 1817, Weakness and 1819. Prior to 1830, reformers classes among the working classes had always de- agitation. manded universal suffrage and annual parliaments. No scheme less comprehensive embraced their own

Ann. Reg., 1839, p. 393; Chron., 73, 132-164.

2

claims to a share in the government of the country. But measures so democratic having been repudiated by the Whig party and the middle classes, the cause of reform had languished. In 1830 the working classes, powerless alone, had formed an alliance with the reform party and the middle classes; and, waiving their own claims, had contributed to the passing of a measure which enfranchised every class but themselves. Now they were again alone in their agitation. Their numbers were greater, their knowledge advanced, and their organisation more extended: but their hopes of forcing democracy upon Parliament were not less desperate. Their predecessors in the cause had been met by repression and coercion. Free from such restraints, the Chartists had to encounter the moral force of public opinion, and the strength of a Parliament resting upon a wider basis of representation, and popular confidence.

Chartist

meeting of April 10th,

This agitation, however hopeless, was continued for several years; and in 1848, the Revolution in France inspired the Chartists. 1848. with new life. Relying upon the public excitement, and their own numbers, they now hoped to extort from the fears of Parliament, what they had failed to obtain from its sympathies. A meeting was accordingly summoned to assemble on the 10th of April, at Kennington Common, and carry a Chartist petition, pretending to bear the signatures of 5,000,000 persons, to the very doors of the House of Commons. The Chartist leaders seemed to have 2 Supra, p. 305.

1 Supra, Vol. I. 402; Vol. II. 357.

forgotten the discomfiture of the trades' unions in 1835: but the government, profiting by the experience of that memorable occasion, prepared to protect Parliament from intimidation, and the public from disturbance.

peace

the govern

On the 6th, a notice was issued declaring the proposed meeting criminal and illegal,—as Preparatending to excite terror and alarm; and tions of the intention of repairing to Parliament, ment. on pretence of presenting a petition, with excessive numbers, unlawful,—and calling upon well-disposed persons not to attend. At the same time, it was announced that the constitutional right of meeting to petition, and of presenting the petition, would be respected.1

On the 10th, the bridges, the Bank, the Tower, and the neighbourhood of Kennington The special Common, were guarded by horse, foot, and cons:ables. artillery. Westminster Bridge, and the streets and approaches to the Houses of Parliament and public offices, were commanded by unseen ordnance. An overpowering military force,-vigilant, yet out of sight, was ready for immediate action. The Houses of Parliament were filled with police; and the streets guarded by 170,000 special constables. The assembling of this latter force was the noblest example of the strength of a constitutional government, to be found in history. The maintenance of peace and order was confided to the people themselves. All classes of society vied with one another

1 Ann. Reg. 1848; Chron, p. 51.

in loyalty and courage. Nobles and gentlemen of fashion, lawyers, merchants, scholars, clergymen, tradesmen, and operatives, hastened together to be sworn, and claim the privilege of bearing the constable's staff, on this day of peril. The Chartists found themselves opposed not to their rulers only, but to the vast moral and material force of English society. They might, indeed, be guilty of outrage: but intimidation was beyond their power.

Failure of

The Chartists, proceeding from various parts of the town, at length assembled at Kennington the meeting. Common. A body of 150,000 men had been expected: not more than 25,000 attended,— to whom may be added about 10,000 spectators, attracted by curiosity. Mr. Feargus O'Connor, their leader, being summoned to confer with Mr. Mayne, the Police Commissioner, was informed that the meeting would not be interfered with, if Mr. O'Connor would engage for its peaceable character: but that the procession to Westminster would be prevented by force. The disconcerted Chartists found all their proceedings a mockery. The meeting, having been assembled for the sake of the procession, was now without an object, and soon broke up in confusion. To attempt a procession was wholly out of the question. The Chartists were on the wrong side of the river, and completely entrapped. Even the departing crowds were intercepted and dispersed on their arrival at the bridges, so as to prevent a dangerous re-union on the other side. Torrents of rain opportunely completed their dispersion; and in the afternoon the streets were

deserted. Not a trace was left of the recent excitement.1

to the

Discomfiture pursued this petition, even into the House of Commons. It was numerously Signatures signed, beyond all example: but Mr. petition. O'Connor, in presenting it, affirmed that it bore 5,706,000 signatures. A few days afterwards, the real number was ascertained to be 1,900,000,-of which many were in the same handwriting, and others fictitious, jocose, and impertinent. The vast numbers who had signed this petition, earnestly and in good faith, entitled it to respect: but the exaggeration, levity, and carelessness of its promoters brought upon it discredit and ridicule. The failure of the Chartist agitation was another example of the hopelessness of a cause not supported by a parliamentary party,-by enlightened opinion,-and by the co-operation of several classes of society.

6

The last political agitation which remains to be described was essentially different in its Anti-Cornobjects, incidents, character, and result. Law League. The Anti-Corn-Law League' affords the most remarkable example in our history, of a great cause won against powerful interests and prejudice, by the overpowering force of reason and public opinion. When the League was formed in 1838, both Houses of Parliament, the first statesmen of all parties, and the landlords and farmers throughout the country,

1 Ann. Reg., 1848; Chron., p. 50; Newspapers, 9th, 10th, and 11th April, 1848; Personal observation.

2 The Queen, the Duke of Wellington, Sir R. Peel, and others, were represented as having signed it several times.-Hans. Deb., 3rd Series, xcviii. 285; Report of Public Petitions Committee.