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the numbers associated, in earnestness, and faith in the cause. In this agitation there were also notable circumstances, wholly unprecedented. The middle and the working classes were, for the first time, cordially united in a common cause: they were led by a great constitutional party; and, more remarkable still, instead of opposing the government, they were the ardent supporters of the king's ministers. To these circumstances is mainly due the safe passage of the country through a most perilous crisis. The violence of the masses was moderated by their more instructed associates,-who, again, were admitted to the friendly counsels of many eminent members of the ministerial party. Popular combination assumed the form of Political Unions,' which were established in the metropolis, and in all the large towns throughout the country. Of the provincial unions, that of Birmingham took the lead. Founded for another purpose so early as January, 1830,' it became the type of most other unions throughout the country. Its original design was to form a general political union between the lower and middle classes of the people;' and it called, with confidence, upon the ancient aristocracy of the land to come forward, and take their proper station at the head of the people, in this great crisis of the national affairs.' In this spirit, when the Reform agitation

The Bir-
mingham
Political
Union.

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1 Curiously enough, it was founded by Mr. Thomas Attwood, a Tory, to advance his currency doctrines, and to denounce the resumption of cash payments in 1819.-Report of Proceedings, Jan. 25th, 1830 (Hodgett's Birmingham).

3

2 Requisition to High Bailiff of Birmingham, Jan., 1830.

Report of Proceedings, Jan. 25th, 1830, p. 12.

commenced, the council thought it prudent not to 'claim universal suffrage, vote by ballot, or annual parliaments, because all the upper classes of the community, and the great majority of the middle classes, deem them dangerous, and the council cannot find that they have the sanction of experience to prove them safe.' And throughout the resolutions and speeches of the society, the same desire was shown to propitiate the aristocracy, and to unite the middle and working classes.2

the unions.

Before the fate of the first Reform Bill was ascertained, the political unions confined their Activity of exertions to debates and resolutions in favour of reform, and the preparation of numerous petitions to Parliament. Already, indeed, they boasted of their numbers and physical force. The chairman of the Birmingham Union vaunted that they could find two armies,-each as numerous and brave as that which conquered at Waterloo,-if the king and his ministers required them. But however strong the language sometimes used, discussion and popular association were, as yet, the sole objects of these unions. No sooner, however, was the bill lost, and Parliament dissolved, than they were aroused to a more formidable activity. Their first object was to influence the elections, and to secure the return of a majority of reformers. Electors and

1 Report of Council, May 17th, 1830.

3

2 Proceedings of Union, passim. You have the flower of the nobility with you; you have the sons of the heroes of Runnymede with you: the best and the noblest blood of England is on your side.' -Birmingham Journal, May 14th, 1832.

Ann. Reg., 1831, p. 80.

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non-electors, co-operating in these unions, were equally eager in the cause of reform: but with the restricted franchises of that time, the former would have been unequal to contend against the great territorial interests opposed to them. The unions, however, threw themselves hotly into the contest; and their demonstrations, exceeding the license of electioneering, and too often amounting to intimidation, overpowered the dispirited anti-reformers. There were election riots at Wigan, at Lanark, at Ayr, and at Edinburgh.' The interposition of the unions, and the popular excitement which they encouraged, brought some discredit upon the cause of reform: but contributed to the ministerial majority in the new Parliament.

Meetings and peti tions.

As the parliamentary struggle proceeded, upon the second Reform Bill, the demonstrations of the political unions became more threatening. Meetings were held and petitions presented, which, in expressing the excited feelings of vast bodies of men, were, at the same time, alarming demonstrations of physical force. When the measure was about to be discussed in the House of Lords, a meeting of 150,000 men Oct. 3rd, 1831. assembled at Birmingham, declared by acclamation that if all other constitutional means of ensuring the success of the Reform Bill should fail, they would refuse the payment of taxes, as John Hampden had refused to pay ship-money, except by levy upon their goods.2

a

'Ann. Reg., 1831, p. 152.

2 Ann. Reg., 1831, p. 282. See Hans. Deb., 3rd Ser., vii. 1323; Report of Proceedings of Meeting at Newhall Hill, Oct. 3rd, 1831;

tween the

nobles and the people.

Riots on re

second Re

It was the first time, in our history, that the aristocracy had singly confronted the people. Conflict beHitherto the people had contended with the crown, supported by the aristocracy and large classes of the community: now the aristocracy stood alone, in presence of a popular force, almost revolutionary. If they continued the contest too long for the safety of the state, they at least met its dangers with the high courage which befits a noble race. Unawed by numbers, clamour, and threats, the Lords rejected the second Reform Bill. The excitement of the time now led to disorders disgraceful to the popular cause. jection of Mobs paraded the streets of London, hoot- form Bill. ing, pelting, and even assaulting distinguished peers, and breaking their windows. There were riots at Derby: when, some rioters being seized, the mob stormed the gaol and set the prisoners free. At Nottingham, the Castle was burned by the populace, as an act of vengeance against the Duke of Newcastle. In both these places, the riots were not repressed without the aid of a military force. For two nights and days, Bristol was the prey Oct. 29th, of a turbulent and drunken rabble. They broke into the prisons, and having let loose the prisoners, deliberately set on fire the buildings. They rifled and burned down the Mansion House, the Bishop's Palace, the Custom House, the Excise Speech of Mr. Edmonds, &c.; Roebuck's Hist. of the Whig Ministry, ii. 218.

1

1831.

1 Ann. Reg., 1831, p. 280; Twiss's Life of Lord Eldon, iii. 153; Courts and Cabinets of Will. IV. and Queen Vict., i. 364.

2 Ann. Reg., 1831, p. 280.

Office, and many private houses. The irresolution and incapacity of magistrates and military commanders left a populous and wealthy city, at the mercy of thieves and incendiaries: nor was order at length restored without military force and loss of life, which a more timely and vigorous interposition might have averted.' These painful events were deplored by reformers, as a disgrace and hindrance to their cause; and watched by their opponents, as probable inducements to reaction.

Political unions

invited to send dele

gates.

Hitherto the political unions had been locally organised, and independent of one another, while forwarding an object common to all. They were daily growing more dangerous; and the scheme of an armed national guard was even projected. But however threatening their demonstrations, they had been conducted within the bounds of law. In November, 1831, however, they assumed a different character. A National Union was formed in London, to which the several provincial unions throughout the country were invited to send delegates. From that time, the limits of lawful agitation were exceeded; and the entire organisation became illegal.2

meetings held.

At the same time, meetings assembled in connecAlarming tion with the unions, were assuming a character more violent and unlawful. The Metropolitan Union, an association independent of the London Political Union, and advocating extreme

1 Ann. Reg., 1831, p. 291. Twelve persons were killed, and ninety-four wounded and injured.

239 Geo. III. c. 79; 57 Geo. III. c. 19; supra, p. 329, 343.

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