associations. made, and resolutions and petitions agreed to, with a view to influence Parliament, and attract public support to the cause. A great meeting was held in Westminster Hall, with Mr. Fox in the chair, which was attended by the Duke of Portland, and many of the most eminent members of the opposition. Nor were these meetings spontaneous in each locality. They were encouraged by active correspondence, association, and concerted movements throughout the country.' Committees of correspon- Political dence and association were appointed by the several counties, who kept alive the agitation; and delegates were sent to London to give it concentration. This practice of delegation was severely criticised in Parliament. Its representative principle was condemned as a derogation from the rights of the legislature: no county delegates could be recognised, but knights of the shire returned by the sheriff. Mainly on this ground, the Commons refused to consider a petition of thirty-two delegates who signed themselves as freeholders only. The future influence of such an organisation over the deliberations of Parliament was foreseen: but it could not be prevented. Delegates were a natural incident to association. Far from arrogating to themselves the power of the Commons, they approached that body as humble petitioners for redress. Supra, p. 63; Ann. Reg., 1780, p. 85; Parl. Hist., xx. 1378; Wyvill's Political Papers, i. 1, et seq.; Wraxall's Mem., iii. 292, &c.; Rockingham Mem., ii. 391-403; Lord J. Russell's Life of Fox, i. 222; Walpole's Journ., ii. 389-441. 2 13th Nov., 1780; 2nd April and 8th May, 1781; Parl. Hist., xxi. 844; xxii. 95, 138. They represented a cause,—not the people. So long as it was lawful for men to associate, to meet, to discuss, to correspond, and to act in concert for political objects, they could select delegates to represent their opinions. If their aims were lawful and their conduct orderly, no means which they deemed necessary for giving effect to free discussion were unconstitutional; and this system,-subject, however, to certain restraints,'-has generally found a place in later political organisations. Other political societies and clubs were now established;2 and the principle of association was brought into active. operation, with all its agencies. At this time Mr. Pitt, the future enemy of political combinations, encouraged associations to forward the cause of parliamentary reform, took counsel with their delegates, and enrolled himself a member of the society for constitutional information.3 sociations Here were further agencies for working upon the Political as public mind, and bringing the popular will considered. to bear upon affairs of state. Association for political purposes, and large assemblages of men, henceforth became the most powerful and impressive form of agitation. Marked by reality and vital power, they were demonstrations at once of moral conviction and numerical force. They combined discussion with action. However forcibly the press might persuade and convince, it moved men 1 Infra, p. 187. 2 Adolphus' Hist., iii. 233. 3 See resolutions agreed to at a meeting of members and delegates at the Thatched House Tavern, May 18th, 1782, in Mr. Pitt's own writing. St. Tr., xxii. 492; also Mr. Pitt's evidence on the Trial of Horne Tooke.-Ibid., xxv. 381. singly in their homes and business: but here were men assembled to bear witness to their earnestness: the scattered forces of public opinion were collected and made known: a cause was popularised by the sympathies and acclamations of the multitude. The people confronted their rulers bodily, as at the hustings.' : Again, association invested a cause with permanent interest. Political excitement may subside in a day but a cause adopted by a body of earnest and active men is not suffered to languish. It is kept alive by meetings, deputations, correspondence, resolutions, petitions, tracts, advertisements. It is never suffered to be forgotten: until it has triumphed, the world has no peace. Public meetings and associations were now destined to exercise a momentous influence on the state. Their force was great and perilous. In a good cause, directed by wise and honourable men, they were designed to confer signal benefits upon their country and mankind. In a bad cause, and under the guidance of rash and mischievous leaders, they were ready instruments of tumult and sedition. The union of moral and physical force may convince, but it may also practise intimidation: arguments may give place to threats, and fiery words to deeds of lawless violence.2 Our history abounds with 1 L'association possède plus de puissance que la presse.' 'Les moyens d'exécution se combinent, les opinions se déploient avec cette force, et cette chaleur, que ne peut jamais attendre la pensée écrite.'-De Tocqueville, Démocr. en Amérique, i. 277. 2 On ne peut se dissimuler que la liberté illimitée d'association, en matière politique, ne soit, de toutes les libertés, la dernière qu'un peuple puisse supporter. Si elle ne la fait pas tomber dans l'anar examples of the uses and perils of political agitation. Protestant associations, The dangers of such agitation were exemplified at this very time, in their worst form, by the 1778-80. Protestant associations. In 1778, the legislature having conceded to the Catholics of England a small measure of indulgence, a body of Protestant zealots in Scotland associated to resist its extension to that country. So rapidly had the principle of association developed itself, that no less than eighty-five societies, or corresponding committees, were established in communication with Edinburgh. The fanaticism of the people was appealed to by speeches, pamphlets, handbills, and sermons, until the pious fury of the populace exploded in disgraceful riots. Yet was this wretched agitation too successful. The Catholics of Scotland waived their just rights, for the sake of peace; and Parliament submitted its own judgment to the arbitrament of Scottish mobs.1 This agitation next extended to England. A Lord George Protestant association was formed in LonGordon, president. don, with which numerous local societies, committees, and clubs in various parts of the kingdom, were affiliated. Of this extensive confederation, in both countries, Lord George Gordon was elected president. The Protestants of Scotland had overawed the legislature: might not the Protestants of England advance their cause by intimidation? The experiment was now to be tried. On the 29th of chie, elle la lui fait, pour ainsi dire, toucher à chaque instant.'-De Tocqueville, Democr., i. 231. Infra, Chap. XII. 6 Coach Hall, May May, 1780, Lord George Gordon called a meeting of the Protestant Association, at Coachmakers' Meeting at Hall, where a petition to the Commons makers' was agreed to, praying for the repeal of 29th, 1780. the late Catholic relief act. Lord George, in haranguing this meeting, said that, if they meant to spend their time in mock debate and idle opposition, they might get another leader;' and declared that he would not present their petition, unless attended by 20,000 of his fellow-citizens. For that purpose, on the 2nd of June, a large body of petitioners and others, distinguished by blue cockades, assembled in St. George's Fields, whence Disorders they proceeded by different routes to West- at Westminster, and took possession of Palace June 2nd. Yard, before the two Houses had yet met. As the peers drove down to the meeting of their House, several were assailed and pelted. Lord Boston was dragged from his coach, and escaped with difficulty from the mob. At the House of Commons, the mob forced their way into the lobby and passages, up to the very door of the House itself. They assaulted and molested many members, obliged them to wear blue cockades, and shout no popery!' minster, Parliament Though full notice had been given of such an irregular assemblage, no preparations had Houses of been made for maintaining the public invested. peace, and securing Parliament from intimidation. The Lords were in danger of their lives; yet six constables only could be found to protect them. The Commons were invested: but their doorkeepers |