enthusiast, whether Orangeman or Repealer, fors wear his drunken orgies; the latter will become a more zealous and useful, because a more enlightened and intelligent supporter of national liberty; the former will be led to inquire whether that which is manifestly good for Ireland can be bad for himself. The result of this inquiry will make him a Repealer. ! The agitation for Repeal went on, sometimes in places which conjured up interesting historical associations. A Repeal meeting was held at Carrick-on-Suir, which was followed by a public dinner, presided over by a Protestant gentleman, Mr. Power. The dinner took place in an apartment at the top of the principal inn. I was told that many persons had wished to obtain a room in the Castle of Carrickon-Suir for the festivity; but a fear lest Lord Ormond, the proprietor of the Castle, might visit with his vengeance the gentleman who rented the old building as tenant at will, induced the managers of the dinner to select the less commodious apartment in the hotel. I chanced that day to be at Carrick, and I walked to see the old Castle. It is beautifully situated in a secluded lawn overhanging the Suir, at the distance of a few hundred yards from the eastern end of the town. I could not ascertain the date of the older, or castellated portion of the edifice; the more modern part was erected by Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond, in 1565, which date is displayed on the wall of the hall, on which, also, there is a rude fresco, representing Queen Elizabeth, with the initials E.R. On the opposite wall there is another fresco, representing the founder, who is said by the tradition of the Castle to have found favour as a lover with that princess. The tradition found its way into France, and the family of Lord Galmoye is stated, in a French genealogical work, to descend from Her Majesty and her Irish admirer. In Burke's "Peerage and Baronetage for 1830," the following very curious notice of the Galmoye family is extracted from the "Dictionnaire de la Noblesse," published at Paris in 1771, second edition, tome iii. : "Le comte Thomas de Butler, dit le noir, quelques années après être allé en Angleterre, envoya en Irlande un jeune enfant portant son nom, et déja créé Lord Vicomte de Galmoye. Il est certain (dit le Mémoire envoyé sur lequel nous avons dressé cette généalogie) que le comte le reconnaissoit pour son fils, et la tradition veut que la reine Elizabeth fût sa mère; c'est de cet enfant que descendoit The Old Castle of Carrick-on-Suir. 203 milord de Galmoye, mort à Paris en 1740, lieut.-général des armées du roi, créé comte de Newcastle en France par le roi Jacques II., dont il était premier gentilhomme de la chambre," etc. A tradition of the same import prevails in the Irish branch of the family. The curious old mansion founded by "Black Tom Butler " is still habitable.* Its front presents a long row of gables in the fashion of Elizabethan manor-houses, with a large oriel window over the porch. Its large, deserted chambers are just such as spectral personages might readily honour with their visits. I accordingly asked if the house was haunted, and was told by the person who showed it, that in the days of the Ormonds a ghost had been constantly there-a utilitarian ghost, apparently; for he used to officiate as volunteer shoe-black, and to discharge other duties of domestic labour. The largest apartments are in the upper storey. There is a noble drawing-room about sixty feet long, which contains two decorated chimneys. Whatever be the worth of the Galmoye tradition, old "Tom Butler," as the guide familiarly called him, was anxious to record his devotion to Elizabeth; and this he has done by the frequent repetition of Her Majesty's initials and arms in the quaint stucco ornaments of the ceiling. There is another spacious room on the same floor, with an oriel overlooking the river. I was inclined to regret that Mr. O'Connell was not entertained in this old stronghold of the Butlers. The old * 1842. I have not seen it since. Thomas Butler, the founder of the Elizabethan part of Carrick-on-Suir Castle, was the tenth Earl of Ormond, and died there in his eighty-eighth year in 1614. He was great-uncle to James, the celebrated Duke of Ormond, who often mentioned his recollection of his aged relative as a blind old man, having a long beard, and wearing his George about his neck whether he sat up in his chair or lay down in his bed." In 1632 James made a journey from London to Carrick, which, even according to modern ideas, seems a rapid one. On a Saturday morning in September he left London, and rode post to Acton, within eight miles of Bristol. At 8 next morning he sailed from Bristol to Waterford in a vessel called The Ninth Whelp, and at 9 a.m. on Monday they ran up to Waterford, whence his lordship immediately took horse for Carrick, which is distant from Waterford only sixteen miles. Henry Hyde, second Earl of Clarendon, in a letter to Lord Rochester, dated in 1686, says of this old seat: "Carrick, an ancient seat belonging to the Duke of Ormond, is, I think, one of the prettiest places I ever saw in my life."-Clarendon's Letters, London, 1828. walls speak eloquently to the imagination. There would have been a romantic interest in beholding the great advocate of Irish legislative independence working out his mighty task in the deserted residence of one of the most powerful of Norman-Irish families; enforcing the right of Ireland to selfgovernment in the ancient halls of Elizabeth's favourite, who performed his share of the duty of riveting the English chain upon his country; in those halls which at a later period were the habitation of James, Duke of Ormond, who exercised such potent influence, partly for good, but more for evil, on the destinies of Ireland. I lingered until twilight in the Castle. The echo of the closing doors sounded weirdly and solemn through the dusky chambers; it came upon the ear like the voice of ages past. The guide bore in his hand the ponderous old keys, which, to judge from their great size and rude workmanship, might have been coeval with the edifice itself. When I reached the lawn, I turned to look once more at the venerable pile reposing in its solitude and silence, and then retraced my steps to the town. At the Repeal dinner, O'Connell said: "I am often asked, how can I expect to obtain Repeal from the Imperial Parliament when I have not been able to obtain minor benefits? I answer this question by reminding the querists that upon the minor advantages I sought I have not been supported by the whole Irish people; whereas the Repeal agitation accumulates around me their entire strength. Minor objects were not of sufficient importance to enlist their full energies. The eagle does not catch flies. The eagle spirit of Ireland soars above these individual advantages and perches on the lofty pedestal of national independence." He proceeded to predict the certain attainment of Repeal so soon as universal Ireland should be actively aroused in its behalf; and he then, in a strain of fervid eloquence, described the long perspective of Irish prosperity which he expected to result from that measure. Carrick had its own sad experience of decay since the Union, there having been prior to that measure a thriving woollen trade in the town and its immediate vicinity, giving bread to about 5,000 persons; whereas now there is but partial employment for about one hundred persons there. Go where they would, the Repeal agitators had the dismal * 1844. The Viceroy scares the Place-hunters 205 and terrible advantage of being able to point to the surrounding crowds instances of decay with which their local experience was familiar-practical fulfilments of John Foster's memorable words: "Where the Parliament is, there will the manufacturer be also." In Limerick there had been before the Union over a thousand woollen weavers ; the number had shrunk to less than seventy. In Bandon-Protestant Bandon-there had been before the Union a flourishing manufacture of camlets, cords, and stuffs. That trade had all but vanished; the only branch of the woollen manufacture remaining there when our Repeal missions were organised, being that of frieze for the peasantry. And similar decay had widely overspread the land on all sides.* The Viceroy, Lord Ebrington, now made an effort to arrest the progress of Repeal by announcing that no member of the Repeal Association should be appointed to any office in the gift of the Government. This declaration necessarily scared all the place-hunters from joining the movement, and thus preserved it from the adhesion of a good deal of rascality. Lord Ebrington's threat was undignified, but not unnatural. He probably thought that as the Union was originally carried by bribery, Repeal could best be averted by bribing men through their hopes of office to refrain from junction with the agitators. CHAPTER XXI. PROPAGATION OF REPEAL BY MISSIONS. Arouse thee, youth! it is no idle call; Our rights are leaguered-haste to man the wall; AMONG the public men who played fast and loose on the question of Repeal, was Mr. Sharman Crawford. That gentleman had ably and persistently advocated the cause of the Irish tenant-farmer, and had, by his advocacy, acquired wide and merited popularity. He denounced the crimes. committed against the people by exterminating landlords, * For copious and authentic details of the general decay see Mr. Secretary Ray's admirable "Report on the Disastrous Effects of the Union on the Woollen, Silk, and Cotton Manufactures." and contended for the system of small farms, which he said could be worked with a profit to the tenant by the application of increased skill in cultivation, while the landlord would possess full security for his rent in the value enjoyed by the tenant. O'Connell expected that Crawford would assist the Repeal agitation-an expectation which was not unreasonable, for Crawford, in 1833, had published a pamphlet entitled, "The Expediency and Necessity of a Local Legislative Body in Ireland supported by a Reference to Facts and Principles." In page 27 of that pamphlet, its author says: "Sad experience now proves to Ireland, as on former occasions, that England's freedom is Ireland's slavery; that England's prosperity only dooms Ireland to a more depressed state of misery and political degradation. She finds the same abuses retained the same disregard of her complaints; and what renders the case still more hopeless is the general apathy and indifference of the British nation, and the worse than indifference of the Scotch, towards matters connected with Irish policy." At page 53, speaking of the reformed Parliament of England, Mr. Crawford asks: "Have not the proceedings of that Parliament forced a conviction on many of the most attached friends of British connexion, that the union of the nations can only be upheld by the separation of the Parliaments?" These extracts afford a fair sample of the general spirit of Mr. Crawford's pamphlet. But on the revival, by O'Connell, of the agitation for Repeal, Mr. Crawford ranged himself among the anti-Repealers. In October, 1841, he published "Observations addressed to the Repealers of Ireland," in which he declared that he would not be "a party to a delusive agitation." He recommended, instead of the pursuit of Repeal, that the Irish should unite with "the aggrieved and unrepresented classes in England and Scotland," in demanding a new distribution and equalisation of electoral districts all over the United Kingdom. He denied that it was possible for Ireland to possess an independent Parliament in connection with the British Crown. And he censured the patriots of 1782 for establishing "a nominally independent" Irish Parliament, instead of seeking a federative connexion with England on the American principle. Mr. Crawford's attacks on the Repealers had a wide circulation. The task of reply was entrusted to me. My answers went the round of the Repeal press in Ireland, and |