Sir Ralph Hopeton presented this paper to the king at Hampton Court on the evening of the 1st of December. Charles, at the reading of it, hesitated at the charges respecting a malignant party, and the design of altering religion, and said, "The devil take him, whosoever he be, that hath a design of that sort." He also stopped at the reading of that part of the Remonstrance which gave the lands of the rebels in Ireland to those who should suppress the rebellion, and said, "We must not dispose of the bear's skin till the bear be dead." When the petition was read, Charles asked several questions, but Hopeton told him that he had no power to speak to anything without the permission of the commons. "Doth the house intend to publish this declaration?" said Charles. Again Hopeton said that he could not answer.

many tales both to tell and to hear, which had no reference to that business. On the 8th of December the commons debated upon certain propositions about to be offered to his majesty by the Irish rebels, who, as a preliminary, asked for a full toleration of the Catholic religion; and it was resolved, both by the lords and commons of England, that they would never give consent to any toleration of the Popish religion in Ireland, or in any other of his majesty's dominions! During the debate a great stir was caused by the report that a guard had been set near the parliament without their privity. Forthwith the commons sent a sergeant-at-arms to bring the commander of that guard to their bar. The officer said that the sheriff had received a writ to that purpose, and that the soldiers had a warrant from the justices of the peace. The commons immediately resolved that this was a dangerous breach of the privileges of their house, and that the guards should be discharged.

Six days after (on the 14th of December), the king spoke to both houses upon the business of Ireland. He again complained of the slowness of their proceedings, and recommended despatch. These delays had in part arisen out of the commons' jealousy of the royal prerogative of levying troops. Charles spoke directly to this point, and told them that he had taken notice of the bill for pressing of soldiers, now debating among the lords; and that in case the bill came to him in such a shape as not to infringe or diminish his prerogative, he would pass it as they chose. "And, further," said he, "seeing there is a dis

On the following day the king sent to the commons his answer to the petition which accompanied the Remonstrance. He told them that he thought their declaration or remonstrance unparliamentary; that he could not at all understand what was meant by a wicked and malignant party; that the bishops were entitled to their votes in parliament by the laws of the kingdom, and that their inordinate power was sufficiently abridged by the taking away of the High Commission Court; that he would consider of a proposal for the calling of a national synod, to examine church ceremonies, &c.; that he was persuaded in his conscience that the Church of England professed the true religion, with more purity than any other; that its government and disci- | pline were more beautified and free from super-pute raised (I being little beholden to him whostition; and that, as for the removing of evil counsellors, they must name who they were, bringing a particular charge, and sufficient proofs, against them, and forbearing their general aspersions.

Two Scotch commissioners came up to concert measures with the English parliament for the suppression of the Irish rebellion; but they had ment against the king-the commercial aggrandizement of Eng. land against an ignorant, incapable, and corrupt administration -presented themselves as three grand tasks to be accomplished, and the entire revolution was resolved on. The Presbyterian majority in parliament, as well as out of doors, were eager to begin the work, thinking they could end readily on the king's consenting to the abolition of Episcopacy, which, in order to obtain that consent, they declared to be a mere form; then they went so far as to say that it was not necessary, that the will of the parliament was the law, and that the king must submit to it. But this last pretension shocked those who desired neither parliamentary omnipotence nor royal absolutism; it forced the various elements, united hitherto against the latter abuse, to separate and distribute themselves, and thenceforth the king had a party resolved on asserting for him, and even, if need were, on restoring to him by the sword, rights sanctioned by time equally with those of the parliament and the people.

"When the king unfurled at Nottingham his royal standard in token of a still haughty distress, the thirty-two lords, the sixty members of the House of Commons, and the ministers who responded to this appeal, formed, together with the bishops, the Roman Catholic peers, and the great officers of the crown, the

soever at this time began it), concerning the bounds of this ancient and undoubted prerogative, to avoid further debate at this time, I offer that the bill may pass with a salvo jure both for king and people, leaving such debates to a time that may better bear them. If this be not accepted, the fault is not mine that this bill pass head of the party called the Cavaliers. The regular troops which remained faithful, a part also of the country nobility--who for the last thirty years had been living strangers altogether to what was passing around them, and still retaining the pure monarchical doctrines of Queen Elizabeth's time-and some adventurers, younger members of the universities, promptly formed an army which was ready to act for this party. Glorying in the name of Roundheads, given to the national party in derision by the Cavaliers, the mass of the population supported the parliament, which now seized the revenues of the crown, and invested a committee of its members with all the functions of government. The women divested themselves of their ornaments in order to furnish means. The men filled with enthusiasm the ranks of the militia. The leading chiefs of the parlia mentary army were naturally those members of the two houses, who by their wealth could contribute most towards the cost of the war, the great lords and rich landed gentry, nearly all of whom were Presbyterians. In the secondary ranks, illustrious orators and soldiers by profession sided with the members of the lower house, who until now were better known by their religious and patriotic zeal than by their talents."-Armand Carrel, History of the Counter-Revolution in England, p. 25.

should appear before them the very next day. Balfour attended, and was examined touching the causes of his removal; after which the house fell into debate about a petition to be presented to his majesty for continuing him in his charge.

HAMPTON COURT.2-From an old picture in possession of W. Bray, Esq.

not, but theirs that refuse so fair an offer." Parliament took fire at this speech, and lords and commons instantly joined in a petition touching the privileges of parliament, the birthright and inheritance not only of themselves, but of the whole kingdom. They declared, with all duty, that the king ought not to take notice of any matter in agitation and debate in either house, except by their information; that he ought not to propose any condition, provision, or limitation to any bill in debate or preparation, nor express his consent or dissent, approbation or dislike, until the bill was presented to him in due course. They complained that his majesty had broken those privileges in his speech, particularly in mentioning the bill of impress, in offering a provisional clause before it was presented, and in expressing his displeasure against such as moved a question concerning the same; and they desired to know the names of such persons as had seduced his majesty to that | But on the following day Sir William resigned item, that they might be punished as his great council should advise. The parliament at first resolved not to proceed with any business till they had a satisfactory answer to their petition; and, during their heat, hints were thrown out that the Irish rebels were actually favoured by some about the queen; "and divers went yet higher." On the very next day (the 15th of December), the motion for printing the Remonstrance, which had been lost on the 22d of November by a majority of twenty-three, was triumphantly carried by 135 to 83. This striking paper, when distributed through the country, was of more effect than an army could have been. Charles, moody and discontented, withdrew to Hampton Court to prepare an answer to the Remonstrance in the shape of a declaration. He chose this very moment of doubt and suspicion for an attempt to get the Tower of London into his hands by changing the governor or lieutenant. Upon the 20th of December a report was made to the vigilant commons that his majesty intended to remove Sir William Balfour, the sturdy lieutenant who had secured the Earl of Strafford for them; and they ordered that Sir William

the keys of the Tower to the king, who forthwith appointed Colonel Lunsford, who took the oaths, and entered upon the charge. The very day after this appointment, the common councilmen, and others of the city of London, petitioned the House of Commons against it, representing this Colonel Lunsford as a man outlawed, most notorious for outrages, and therefore fit for any desperate enterprise, and reminding the house that they (the citizens) had lately been put into fear of some dangerous design from that citadel. The commons demanded a conference with the lords, and communicated to their lordships the petition from the city, representing the unfitness of Lunsford for a place of such great trust, and desired their lordships to concur in a remonstrance, and in a prayer to the king to recommend Sir John Conyers to be lieutenant, under the command of that honourable person the Earl of Newport, who was constable of the Tower. The lords declined doing anything, upon which the commons passed the following vote:-"Resolved, nemine contradicente, that this house holds Colonel Lunsford unfit to be, or continue, lieutenant of the Tower, as being a person whom the commons of England cannot confide in." When this was done they sent to desire a second conference with the peers. The managers of this conference, Mr. Hollis, Mr. Pym, Mr. Strode, Sir Edmond Montfort, Mr. Glynne, Sir Philip Stapleton, Mr. Martin, and Sir John Hobham, importuned their lordships to join in their petition for removing Colonel Lunsford, alleging that they already found the evil consequence of his being hieutenant, inasmuch as merchants had already

withdrawn their bullion out of the mint, &c. | the citizens rescued the youth, and about a hunStill the lords refused to join. That same even- dred of them coming up so hemmed in the lord ing, being Christmas Eve, the commons ordered bishop, that he could not stir; and then all of that Sir Thomas Barrington and Mr. Martin them with a loud voice cried out "No bishops!" should that night repair to the Earl of Newport, The mob let old Williams go, apparently without constable of the Tower, and desire him, in the injuring him; but one David Hide, a reformado name of their house, to lodge and reside within in the late army against the Scots, and now apthe citadel, and take the custody and entire care pointed to go upon some command into Ireland, of that place. The two members went, but the began to bustle and to say that he would cut the Earl of Newport was not to be found. The throats of those round-headed dogs' that bawled second day after this, being Sunday, the 26th of against bishops. Nor did this David Hide stop December, the lord mayor waited upon his ma- at threats, for he drew his sword, and called jesty to tell him that the apprentices of London upon three or four others with him to second were contemplating a rising, to carry the Tower him; but his comrades refused, and he was soon by storm, unless he should be pleased to remove disarmed by the citizens and carried before the his new lieutenant. That same evening Charles House of Commons, who first committed him, took the keys from Colonel Lunsford. On the and afterwards cashiered him. On the same morrow Sir Thomas Barrington reported to the stormy Monday, Colonel Lunsford, the recently commons that the Earl of Newport had been dismissed lieutenant of the Tower, went through with him on Sunday evening, to tell him that Westminster Hall, with no fewer than thirty or the king had discharged him from the constable- forty friends at his back. A fray ensued, the ship of the Tower. This earl, though very ac- colonel drew his sword, and some hurt was done ceptable to the citizens, was odious to the king, among the citizens and apprentices. Presently who, at this moment-this critical moment-had there came swarming down to Westminster some a violent altercation with him, which was re- hundreds more of apprentices and others, with ported to the House of Lords on the same Mon- swords, staves, and other weapons. The lords day morning. sent out the gentleman usher, to bid them depart in the king's name. The people said that they were willing to be gone, but durst not, because Colonel Lunsford and other swordsmen in Westminster Hall were lying in wait for them with their swords drawn, and because some of them that were going home through Westminster Hall had been slashed and wounded by those soldiers. With great difficulty the lord mayor and sheriffs appeased this tumult, which caused the loss of some blood, and which was the prelude to the fiercer battles that soon followed between the Roundheads and Cavaliers.

All this day the houses of parliament were surrounded by tumultuous multitudes-for it was not yet publicly known that the king had removed Colonel Lunsford. The citizens who had petitioned against that officer collected at Westminster for an answer to that petition, and the London apprentices were there also for an answer to their petition. It was a Monday morning, and they made of it a most noisy St. Monday, crying out, "Beware of plots! No bishops! no bishops!" Old Bishop Williams seems to have lost his coolness and circumspection with increase of age. On his way to the House of Lords with the Earl of Dover, observing a youth crying out lustily against the bishops, he stepped from the earl, rushed into the crowd, and laid hands upon the stripling. Thereupon

1 Rushworth attributes the origin of the term Roundhead to this David Hide:-"Which passionate expression," says he, "as far as I could ever learn, was the first minting of that term or compellation of Roundheads, which afterwards grew so general."

CHAPTER XIII.-CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY.-A.D. 1641-1642.

CHARLES I.

The bishops protest against their exclusion from parliament-They declare the proceedings of the lords null during their absence-They are committed to the Tower-The commons petition the king for a guard-He offers them one of his own choosing-He accuses six leaders of the commons of high treason-He commands their arrestHe prepares, on the refusal of the house, to secure them by force-His arrival in the house for the purposeHe finds the accused withdrawn-Indignation at his intrusion-He again attempts to secure the members in the city-Petition and remonstrance of the commons on the occasion-Voluntary offers tendered for the protection of the accused members-Charles retires with his family and court from London-He abandons his prosecution of the members-Parliament alarmed by reports of military musters-Their preparations for defence-Symptoms of approaching civil war-Proceedings of both parties in the Irish rebellion-The lukewarınness of the lords denounced by the commons-Intercepted letters produced before the commons-Their con. tents produce alarm and remonstrance-The queen departs from England-The commons demand the power of the sword to be lodged in their own hands-They pass the Militia bill to that effect-Charles refuses to sanction it-The commons put the kingdom in a state of defence-They proclaim the Militia ordinance in their own name-A Declaration agreed by the lords and commons-Indignant remarks of Charles on receiving it-His abrupt refusal to intrust the militia to parliament-Justification he delivers for his proceedings-His message to the two houses-Their resolutions in consequence-They transmit their justification to the king -Both parties attempt to secure possession of Hull-It is secured for the commons-Intrigues of Charles to recover it-He is refused admittance into the town-The commons approve of the refusal-Reply of the king, and his remonstrance-Counter-remonstrance of parliament-Charles forbids the muster of troops without his orders--The lieutenants of the counties disregard his prohibition-Gathering of the parliamentary army-The English fleet inclined to the popular cause-Charles attempts to win the Scots to his party-They reject his advances-The adherents of the king, and their proceedings-Dilemma occasioned by the application of Charles for the great seal-Clarendon's account of its delivery-Preparations of Charles to besiege HullNine peers enlist themselves on the side of the king—They are impeached by the commons-Proposals from the commons of an accommodation rejected by the king.

HE thirteen bishops impeached for their share in the obnoxious canons and Laud's last convocation, had been admitted to bail, and, after a short time, to their seats in the House of Lords. Now, twelve of them drew up a protest and petition to the king, stating, that they could not attend in their places in parliament, where they had a clear and indubitable right to vote, because they had several times been violently menaced, affronted, and assaulted by multitudes of people, and had lately been chased away from the House of Lords, and put in danger of their lives-for all which they could find no redress or protection, though they had lodged several complaints in both houses. "Therefore," continued the document, "they (the bishops) do in all duty and humility protest before your majesty and the peers against all laws, orders, votes, resolutions, and determinations, as in themselves null and of none effect, which in their absence have already passed; as likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in the House of Lords, during the time of this their forced and violent absence," &c. To the surprise of most men, the first signature to this protest and petition was that of old Williams, who had been translated to the archbishopric of York a

VOL. II.

very few days before. The other eleven bishops
that signed were Durham, Lichfield, Norwich, St.
Asaph, Bath and Wells, Hereford, Oxford, Ely,
Gloucester, Peterborough, and Llandaff. If the
lords had acquiesced in the views of the petition-
ers, the Long Parliament might have been ended
now, in so far at least as the upper house was
concerned, and the slur of illegality might have
been cast upon all the acts that had been passed
during the last year in the frequent absence of
the lords spiritual. The move on the part of the
court was a bold one; but the revolution was now
in progress, and, without even offering to provide
for the bishops' safety, so that they might come
to their house, or be accused of staying away
wilfully and voluntarily, the lords desired a con-
ference with the commons, and denounced the
petition and protest as highly criminal, and sub-
versive of the fundamental privileges and the
very being of parliament.
stantly re-echoed the charge, accused these twelve
bishops of high treason, and sent Mr. Glynne to
the bar of the lords, to charge the prelates in the
name of the House of Commons, and to desire
that they might be forthwith sequestered from
parliament and put into safe custody. "The
lords sent the black rod instantly to find out these
bishops and apprehend them; and by eight o'clock

169

The commons in