parliament for ratifying what should be concluded in the said assembly, and for settling such other things as might conduce to the peace and good of the kingdom, should be held at Edinburgh, on the 20th day of August, and that therein an act of oblivion should be passed. It was agreed that the troops, on both sides, should be recalled and disbanded; that his majesty's castles, forts, ammunitions of all sorts, and royal honours, should be delivered up to the king, who thereupon was to withdraw his fleet and cruisers, and deliver up whatever Scottish goods and ships, or whatever else, had been taken from them. The king stipulated that there should be no meetings, treatings, consultations, or convocations of the lieges, but such as were warranted by act of parliament; and he agreed to restore to all his good subjects of Scotland their liberties, privileges, &c., &c. Not a word was said by the king touch although they themselves did not mistrust his majesty's word signified to them by the secretary, yet the people and army would not suffer their deputies to come without his majesty's own hand and warrant. Charles then signed the paper, and on the 11th of June, the deputies of the Covenanters arrived at the royal camp, where they were received in the lord-general's tent by the English commissioners whom Charles had selected to treat with them. The Scottish deputies were the Earls of Rothes and Dunfermline, the Lord Loudon, and Sir William Douglas, sheriff of Teviotdale, to whom were afterwards added, sorely against the king's inclination, the leading minister, Alexander Henderson, late moderator of the general assembly, and Mr. Archibald Johnston, the clerk-register; the king's commissioners were the Earls of Essex, Holland, Salisbury, and Berkshire, Sir Henry Vane, and Mr. Secretary Coke. But when they were readying the abolition of Episcopacy. By his express to begin their conference, Charles came unexpectedly among them, took his seat, and told the Scottish deputies that he was informed that they complained they could not be heard; that, therefore, he was now come to hear what they would say, and to take the negotiation upon himself. The Earl of Rothes, speaking for the Covenanters, said that they only wished to be secured in their religion and liberty. Lord Loudon began to offer an apology for their brisk manner of proceeding, but Charles interrupted him, and told him that he would admit of no excuse or apology for what was past; but if they came to implore for pardon, they should set down their desires in writing, and in writing they should receive his answer. In the course of the negotiation several attempts were made at overreaching the Scots, but the Covenanters, without confining themselves to the meekness of the dove, had certainly the wisdom of the serpent. Hamilton arrived at the camp, and hastened, it is said, the conclusion of the treaty, which was signed by Charles, on the 18th of June, and published, with a royal declaration, in the Covenanters' camp, on the 20th. The articles agreed upon were few, and some of them loosely expressed. The king, though he could not condescend to ratify and approve the acts of what he called the pretended General Assembly, was pleased to confirm whatsoever his commissioner had granted and promised, and to leave all matters ecclesiastical to be determined by the assembly of the kirk, and all matters civil by the parliament and other inferior judicatures. The assemblies of the kirk were to be kept once a-year, or as often as might be agreed upon by the general assembly; and for settling the distractions of the kingdom, it was appointed that a free general assembly should meet at Edinburgh, on the 6th day of August, and that the orders the term bishop was never introduced. He still clung to Laud and the hierarchy; and, as usual, he was anxious to say as little as possible in a pacification which he made with the most unpleasant of feelings, and which he was fully determined to break as soon as possible. The Covenanters more than suspected his meaning and intentions, and both parties openly betrayed their mutual distrust before the ink was dry on the parchment: the two armies, however, were disbanded by the 24th of June, when his majesty took up his quarters in the town of Berwick. He summoned fourteen of the principal Covenanters to attend him, but they declined the dangerous honour, fearing the Tower of London. They sent, however, the Earls of Lothian, Loudon, and Montrose, the last of whom appears to have been lost to the Covenant and gained by the king from that moment. While at Berwick, Charles decided about the high-commissioner to be sent into Scotland to open the parliament, &c., for he was anxious to get back to the south, where he had left many fiery spirits, and Wentworth had again warned him, after "so total a defection as had appeared in that people," not to go to them bimself; or, to use my lord-deputy's expression, “not to trust his own sacred person among the Scots over early, if at all." It is said that his majesty greatly pressed the Marquis of Hamilton to go upon that employment once more, and that the marquis implored to be excused. After the affair of Dalkeith and his easy losing or surrendering the regalia, it could hardly have been expected that Traquair should be named commissioner, yet he was the man appointed to succeed Hamilton and represent the king. Charles then took post at Berwick, and rode to London in four days, arriving there on the 1st of August. Traquair's instructions passed the seal on the 6th of August, when he was immediately despatched to meet the general assembly at Edinburgh. That convocation opened on the 12th of August, every member of it having previously bound himself by an oath to support the acts of the late assembly at Glasgow. Traquair's instructions from the king were very artfully conceived, but it was scarcely possible that they should have much effect upon such a body of men as these Covenanters. Charles had written to the dispersed and afflicted Scottish bishops, to assure them that it should be his chief care to establish their church aright, and repair their losses, and to advise them to enter into a formal protest against the proceedings of this assembly and parliament, which he promised "to take into consideration, as a prince sensible of his own interest and honour, joined with the equity of their desires." But in his instructions to Traquair, he consented that Episcopacy should be utterly abolished in Scotland, for satisfaction of the people, provided that the act of abolition should be so conceived and worded, that Episcopacy should not be called a point of Popery, or contrary to God's law, or the Protestant religion, but merely contrary to the constitution of the Church of Scotland. The bishops, or at least seven of them, signed a protest, and got it presented to the lordcommissioner by a mean person, as the king had desired. They called the Covenanters refractory, schismatical, and perjured men, having no office in the church of God, who had filthily resiled, and so made themselves to the present and future ages most infamous, &c. The Covenanters, however, wanted no fresh provocation to go lustily to work. Without naming the Glasgow assembly, they adopted and confirmed all its acts, whether against the bishops, Service-book, Book of Penance, or High Commission; and to all this, Traquair as commissioner gave the royal assent, and signed the Covenant. But the king was all this while preparing measures for a new war, which he flattered himself would be conducted with better success. The Covenanters had kept their agreement in giving up the fortresses; they had surrendered Edinburgh Castle, and twenty other castles; and Patrick Ruthven, afterwards Earl of Brentford, the new governor for the king, was getting artillery, ammunition, arms, and men into Edinburgh Castle, and repairing the breaches which time rather than war had made. Charles commanded Traquair to take in general the like care of all his houses and forts in that kingdom; and likewise to advertise all such who were affected to his service, that they might secure themselves in good time. The Scottish parliament met on the day See the king's letter, in Rashworth. appointed, the 20th of August, and consented that for that time, Traquair, as commissioner, should name those lords of articles that had formerly been named by the bishops; but they protested that this should be no precedent for the future, and they went on roundly to remove the lords of articles totally, as a body of necessity at all times subservient to the crown. Charles knew that their project, if effected, would wholly emancipate the Scottish parliament from the shackles and trammels which had been imposed upon it, chiefly by his own father, and he had declared that he would never give up his prerogative on this point. Traquair saw no other means than the dangerous one of stopping proceedings by a prorogation, and accordingly he prorogued parliament on the 14th of November. The Covenanters protested against the legality of any prorogation without consent of parliament (and in fact the principle differed from the English). They, however, rose quietly after entering this protest, and sent up a commission, headed by the Lords Dunfermline and Loudon, to wait upon the king. When these deputies arrived at Whitehall they were rudely asked whether they had any warrant from the king's commissioner; and, as they had none, they were in disdain commanded home again, without audience or any access to majesty. The return of these noblemen to Scotland was soon followed by the summoning of Traquair to court. This nobleman, by royal instructions, had in many respects been playing a double part; and, as invariably happens in such cases, his employers had become jealous and doubtful of his real feelings and intention. But he averted Charles's wrath from himself by producing a letter secretly addressed by several Lords of the Covenant to the King of France, and imploring his protection. This letter had been written before the late pacification at Berwick, and addressed "Au Roy." It bore the signatures of seven lords; but the address, which in itself was made matter of treason, was in a different hand from the body of the letter, and the thing had never been sent, evidently through the aversion of the ministers and the mass of the Covenanters. At the same time Traquair told the king that it was impossible to prevail with the Scots except by force or a total compliance; and having, as he fancied, furnished the king with grounds for justifying such a proceeding, he recommended him to take up arms again without loss of time. The Covenanters, having sought and obtained the royal permission, again sent up the Earls of Loudon and Dunfermline. Loudon was instantly seized, and examined touching the letter "Au Roy." The Scottish lord said that it was written before the late agreement, and never sent; that, if he had committed any offence in signing it, he ought to be questioned for it in Scotland, and not in England: nor would he make any other answer or confession, but, insisting upon the king's safe-conduct which had been given to him for this journey, he demanded liberty to return. Charles sent him to the Tower of London. This effectually stopped the arrival of any more Scottish commissioners; but it was evident to both parties that they must again take the field; and the Covenanters, by more secret agents, concerted measures with the patriots and the disaffected of all classes. Secret councils were held in London, and a coalition of all the various sections of the discontented was effected. Every proceeding of government was now a failure, and each failure caused fierce dissensions amongst the cabinet ministers and the chief officers of the crown: every one laboured to exonerate himself at the cost of his comrades. This is one of the saddest and surest indications of a nation's decay. Almost as soon as the pacification of Berwick was signed, all of the English party engaged in it were irritated and ashamed; and the king himself, according to Clarendon, was very melancholic, and quickly discerned that he had lost reputation at home and abroad; and those counsellors who had been most faulty, either for want of courage or wisdom (for at that time few of them wanted fidelity), never afterwards recovered spirit enough to do their duty, but gave themselves up to those who had so much overwitted them; every man shifting the fault from himself, and finding some friends to excuse him. And it being yet necessary that so infamous a matter should not be covered with absolute oblivion, it fell to Secretary Coke's turn (for whom nobody cared), who was then near fourscore years of age, to be made the sacrifice; and upon pretence that he had omitted the writing what he ought to have done, and inserted somewhat he ought not to have done, he was put out of his office." Old Coke, the scapegoat, was succeeded by Sir Henry Vane, previously treasurer of the household, who, as Clarendon, Warwick, and other writers of that party maintain, became secretary of state through the queen's too powerful influence and the dark contrivance of the Marquis of Hamilton. 1 CHAPTER XI.-CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY.-A.D. 1640-1641. CHARLES I. Charles consults with Wentworth-Wentworth advises the calling of parliament-He is made Earl of Straffor Parliament assembled-Address to it by Sir John Finch, lord-keeper-His misrepresentation of Scottish affairs-Speech of Charles about the letter of the Scots to the French king-Cruel treatment of Sir John Eliot -He dies a prisoner in the Tower-The commons proceed to the redress of grievances-The grievances enumerated and denounced-Charles summons the lords and commons before him-Finch attempts to cajole the commons-They persist in demanding redress of grievances before voting supplies-Interference of Charles in the House of Lords-The commons remonstrate with the lords-Messages of Charles to the commons for supplies - He rebukes them, and dissolves parliament for the last time-Impolicy of the proceeding-Laud continues his subversions in the church-Oppressive modes by which Charles raises money-A mob attempts to storm Lambeth Palace The Scottish parliament resume the war- The Covenanters cross the Tweed-They enter England-They defeat the Royalist troops at Heddon-law-They occupy Newcastle and Durham-Their successes in the English northern counties-Charles treats with the Covenanters-His indignation at their proposals-Meeting held for a treaty at Ripon- The agreement and its terms-Charles opens the Long Parliament-He invites its confidence when too late-Its business commences with the consideration of grievances -Demands .nade for reform in church and state-The prisoners of the Star Chamber liberated and indemnified -The tide turned against the persecutors-Laud accused of high treason-He is committed to the TowerThe Earl of Strafford also imprisoned-His impeachment in the House of Lords by Pym-Others who are impeached escape-Triennial parliaments decreed-Charles obliged to assent-Scottish commissioners in London-Their favour with the English patriots. D URING his inglorious campaign, | cification. Not long after his return from the Charles was in constant correspon-Tweed, "as if the oracle of Delphos had been to dence with Wentworth, who had be consulted, he sent for his great Lord-deputy given him better advice than he of Ireland." Wentworth came, but "instead of would take, and who continued being made a dictator, he found himself but one raising and organizing 10,000 Irish of a triumvirate," being joined with Archbishop troops, for service in Scotland, even after the pa History of the Great Rebellion. Laud and Hamilton, neither of whom had lost one particle of the king's favour and confidence. Although he had not come very willingly, apprehending danger to himself--and although he was hampered by Hamilton, the more timid of his colleagues, and by the queen, who could never agree with him-Wentworth imparted a new vigour to the king's councils: he recommended a loan among the great lords and officers of the crown, and urged a war with the Covenanters, which he was to manage, and the instant issuing of writs of ship-money to the amount of £200,000. With his old confidence in his own power of seducing, deceiving, or terrifying a parliament, in a blind forgetfulness of the difference between English and Irish parliaments, he ventured to recommend the calling of one. This resolution was adopted in a committee, consisting of Archbishop Laud, Bishop Juxon, the Earl of Northumberland, the Marquis of Hamilton, Cottington, Windebank, and Vane. Charles, upon finding the committee unanimous, put this significant question "If this parliament should prove as untoward as some have lately been, will you then assist me in such extraordinary ways as in that extremity shall be thought fit?" They all promised to assist him, and then Charles reluctantly agreed that a parliament should be called. But Wentworth thought it would be well to try an Irish parliament beforehand; and Charles consented that there should be an Irish parliament also. To reward his past services, and to give him additional weight and splendour, the king now bestowed on him that earldom for which he had so long been sighing, and, instead of lorddeputy, named him Lord-lieutenant of Ireland. On the 12th of January, 1640, Wentworth became Earl of Strafford; and on the 17th of March he obtained from the trembling Irish parliament a grant of four subsidies, with a promise of two more if they should be found necessary; and by the middle of April, in spite of a distressing and most painful malady, he was back at court, to show Charles how to manage his English House of Commons and his Scottish Covenanters. At last, on the 13th day of April, 1640, an English parliament assembled at Westminster. The king opened the session with a very brief speech, in which, however, he admitted (what every body knew) that nothing but necessity had induced him to call them together. Then Sir John Finch, formerly speaker of the commons, but now lord-keeper, delivered a very long speech, in which he endeavoured, above all things, to convince them that the Scots had grossly insulted and injured the English nation, as well as their sovereign-"the most just, the most pious, the most gracious king that ever was, whose kingly resolutions were seated in the ark of his sacred doms-was so glaring, that it required all the audacity of a Finch to make the king's disuse of parliaments a subject of panegyric, and that to a parliament itself. The lord-keeper told them that, in former times, indeed, they had been advised with for the preventing and diverting of foreign and domestic dangers; "but herein," said he, "his majesty's great wisdom and providence hath for many years eased you of that trouble; his majesty having all the while not only seen and prevented our danger, but kept up the honour and splendour of the English crown, of which at this day we find the happy experience." Everything, he maintained, had gone on happily and gloriously until some men of Belial had blown the trumpet in Scotland, and induced a rebellious multitude to take up arms against the Lord's anointed. He related the events of last summer's campaign, telling them that his majesty had entered into pacification with the Scots, not through fear or weakness, but out of his piety and clemency. "This summer," says Finch, "must not be lost like the last, nor any minute of time unbestowed to reduce those of Scotland; lest by our delay they gain time to conclude their treaties with foreign states. . . . . Such is the straitness of time, that unless the subsidies be forthwith passed, it is not possible to put in order such things as must be prepared before so great an army can take the field." Finch concluded by telling them that they must pass a bill, granting tonnage and poundage from hands to this letter, here is one, and I believe you would think it very strange if I should not lay him fast; and therefore I have signed a warrant to lay him close prisoner in the Tower. My lords, I think (but that I will not say positively, because I will not say anything here but what I am sure of) I have the gentleman that should have carried the letter fast enough; but I know not, I may be mistaken." When the king had thus spoken, the lord the commencement of his majesty's reign, vote | added, "Of these gentlemen, who have set their the subsidies instanter, and accept his majesty's promise, who was most graciously pleased to give them his royal word, that afterwards he would allow them time to consider of such petitions as they might conceive, to be for the good of the commonwealth, assuring them that his majesty would go along with them in redressing just grievances, like a just, a pious, and gracious king. The king himself then produced the letter of the Scottish lords to the French king, and said, "My lords, you shall see he hath spoken nothing hy-keeper dismissed the commons to their own house, perbolically, nor nothing but what I shall make good one way or other. And because he did mention a letter, by which my subjects in Scotland did seek to draw in foreign power for aid, here is the original letter, which I shall command him to read unto you. And because it may touch a neighbour of mine, whom I will say nothing of but that which is just--God forbid I should; for my part I think it was never accepted of by him indeed it was a letter to the French king, but I know not that ever he had it; for by chance I intercepted it as it was going unto him; and therefore I hope you will understand me right in that." Charles then delivered the letter to Finch, who observed, "The superscription of the letter is this-'Au Roy.' For the nature of this superscription, it is well known to all that know the style of France that it is never written by any Frenchman to any but their own king, and therefore, being directed 'Au Roy,' it is to their own king, for so in effect they do by that superscription acknowledge." He then read the letter as translated into English from the original French, which ran thus:-"Sir,--Your majesty being the refuge and sanctuary of afflicted princes and states, we have found it necessary to send this gentleman, Mr. Colvil, by him to represent unto your majesty the candour and ingenuity as well of our actions and proceedings as of our intentions, which we desire should be engraven and written to the whole world, with the beams of the sun, as well as to your majesty. We most humbly beseech you, therefore, to give faith and credit to him and all he shall say on our part concerning us and our affairs, being most assured of an assistance equal to your accustomed clemency heretofore, and so often showed to this nation, which will not yield to any other whatsoever the glory to be eternally your majesty's most humble, obedient, and affectionate servants. (Signed) Rothes, Montrose, Leslie, Mar, Montgomery, Loudon, Forester."1 Then the king there to make choice of their speaker. In the lower house were many of the patriots, or, as the king had styled them, "the vipers," that had so disturbed his equanimity in the last parliament; but one of the greatest and highest-minded was not there. Of those who had been cast into prison, all had been liberated upon bail, after a detention of about eighteen months, with the single exception of the bold and eloquent Sir John Eliot, the man whom Charles most hated or feared. When he had lain four years in the Tower, the patriot's health began to decline rapidly, and his friends prevailed upon him to petition the king. To this petition, which was presented by the hand of the lieutenant of the Tower, Charles's only answer was- "It is not humble enough." Then Eliot sent another petition by his own son, expressing his hearty sorrow for having displeased his majesty, and humbly beseeching him once again to command the judges to set him at liberty; and when he had recovered his health he might return back to his prison, there to undergo such punishment as God had allotted him. The lieutenant of the Tower took offence at his sending the petition by another hand than his; but he told him, that if he would humble himself before his majesty, acknowledging his fault, he would deliver another petition for him. Sir John, thanking him for his friendly advice, told him that his spirits had grown feeble and faint-that when he recovered his former vigour he might think about it. Cottington, Wentworth, and others exulted over the intelligence that Sir John was very like to die—and die he did, a prisoner in the Tower, on the 27th of November, 1632! But Charles's revenge was not satisfied by mournful decay, a perishing by inches, nor by death itself. One of his victim's sons petitioned his majesty, that he would be pleased to permit the body of their father to be carried into Cornwall, there to be buried, in his native soil, among his ancestors. Charles wrote at the foot of the petition, "Let Sir John Eliot's in part, the other negotiations between the Covenanters and body be buried in the church of that parish where 1 Besides this letter, it is possible that Charles knew, at least the French court.-Lord Hailes (Memorials) has published a letter from General Leslie and the Earl of Rothes to the French king, and also instructions from the Covenanters in Scotland to their messenger to Louis. The letter, it appears, was not sent, because the rest of the covenanting leaders refused to sign or sanction it. There are several striking passages in the instructions, but nothing very treasonable. |