Great Republic-upon the honours conferred upon him by his country-and patiently wait for that Order of his Supreme Commander, which will remove him from his temporal to his eternal honours.

The following "Familiar Letters," and opinions of the SECOND AND THIRD PRESIDENTS OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC, both of whom were the warm friends of Com. Murray, are annexed with undissembled delight.

The language of these "venerable octogenarians," the one labouring under years near half in number of those of Civilized New England, and the other of an age more than one third of that which is sometimes called the "Ancient Dominion" of the Republic, ought to be treasured up by the rising generation of American Patriots, with as much avidity, as were the "more last words," of an eminent divine in the 17th century, by the devotional professors of Christianity.

These last words" of ADAMS and JEFFERSON, are almost like a "voice from the tomb," uttered by dead worthies, to their surviving posterity. "Fortunatus Senex!" may Americans exclaim to each of these venerated Patriots, Scholars, and Statesmen, You have lived for the Republic, and in the remembrance of that Republic you will never die. The motto of these great men may well be"After my death, I wish no other herald, No other speaker of my living actions, To keep mine honour from corruption,

But such an honest chronicler as Griffith."

This letter may be said to be "multum in parvo." This Doctor of Laws probes the wounds of the colonies to the bottom; as a Doctor of Medicine searches the remote cause of the disease of his patient. He does not try to

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remove the eruption upon the surface, but endeavours to extirpate the impurities of the blood which occasion it. It proves, in few words, the truth of Mr. Jefferson's remarks regarding Mr. Adams. "No one is better calculated than he, to give to the reader a correct impression of the earlier part of the contest." [The War of the Revolution.]

QUINCY, Feb. 13, 1818.

Mr. NILES-The American Revolution was not a common event. Its effects and consequences have already been awful over a great part of the globe. And when and where are they to cease?

But what do we mean by the American Revolution? Do we mean the American War? The Revolution was effected before the War commenced. The Revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people. A change in their religious sentiments, of their duties and obligations. While the king, and all in authority under him, were believed to govern in justice and mercy according to the laws and constitution derived to them from the God of nature, and transmitted to them by their ancestors-they thought themselves bound to pray for the king and queen and all the royal family, and all in authority, under them as ministers ordained of God for their good. But when they saw those powers renouncing all the principles of authority, and bent upon the destruction of all the securities of their lives, liberties and properties, they thought it their duty to pray for the Continental Congress and all the thirteen state congresses, &c.

There might be, and there were others, who thoughtless about religion and conscience, but had certain habitual sentiments of allegiance and loyalty derived from their ed

ucation; but believing allegiance and protection to be reciprocal, when protection was withdrawn, they thought allegiance was dissolved.

Another alteration was common to all. The people of America had been educated in an habitual affection for England as their mother country; and while they thought her a kind and tender parent, (erroneously enough, however, for she never was such a mother) no affection could be more sincere. But when they found her a cruel Beldam, willing like lady Macbeth, to " dash their brains out," it is no wonder if their filial affections ceased and were changed into indignation and horror.

This radical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments and affections of the people, was the real American revolution.

By what means, this great and important alteration in the religious, moral, political and social character of the people of thirteen colonies, all distinct, unconnected and independent of each other, was begun, pursued and accomplished, it is, surely interesting to humanity to investigate, and perpetuate to posterity.

The colonies had grown up under constitutions of government so different, there was so great a variety of religions, they were composed of so many different nations, their customs, manners and habits had so little resemblance, and their intercourse had been so rare and their knowledge of each other so imperfect, that to unite them in the same principles of theory and the same system of action, was certainly a very difficult enterprize. The complete accomplishment of it, in so short a time and by such simple means, was perhaps a singular example in the history of mankind. Thirteen clocks were made to strike together; a perfection of machinery which no artist had ever before effected.

In this research, the glorioroles of individual gentlemen and of separate states is of little consequence. The means and the measures are the proper objects of investigation.. These may be of use to posterity, not only in this nation, but in South-America and all other countries. They may teach mankind that revolutions are not trifles; that they ought never to be undertaken rashly; nor without deliberate consideration and sober reflection; nor without a solid, immutable, eternal foundation of justice and humanity; nor without a people possessed of intelligence, fortitude and integrity sufficient to carry them with steadiness, patience, and perseverance, through all the vicissitudes of fortune, the fiery trials and melancholy disasters they may have to encounter.

The town of Boston early instituted an annual oration of the fourth of July, in commemoration of the principles and feelings which contributed to produce the revolution. Many of those orations I have heard, and all that I could obtain I have read. Much ingenuity and eloquence appears upon every subject, except those principles and feelings. That of my honest and amiable neighbour, Josiah Quincy, appeared to me the most directly to the

pur

pose of the institution. Those principles and feelings ought to be traced back for two hundred years, and sought in the history of the country from the first plantations in America. Nor should the feelings of the English and Scots towards the colonies, through that whole period ever be forgotten. The perpetual discordance between British principles and feelings and of those of America, the next year after the suppression of the French power in America, came to a crisis, and produced an explosion.

It was not till after the annihilation of the French do

minion in America, that any British ministry had dared to gratify their own wishes, and the desire of the nation, by projecting a formal plan for raising a national revenue from America, by parliamentary taxation. The first great manifestation of this design was by the order to carry into strict executions those acts of parliament which were well known by the appellation of the acts of trade, which had lain a dead letter, for more than half a century, and some of them I believe, for nearly a whole one.

This produced in 1760 and 1761, an awakening and a revival of American principles and feelings, with an enthusiasm which went on increasing, till in 1775, it burst out in open violence, hostility and fury.

The characters the most conspicuous, the most ardent and influential in this revival, from 1760 to 1766, werefirst and foremost, before all and above all, JAMES OTIS ;* next to him was OXENBRIDGE THATCHER; next to him SAMUEL ADAMS; next to him, JOHN HANCOCK; then Dr. Mayhew, then Dr. Cooper and his brother. Of Mr. Hancock's life, character, generous nature, great and disinterested sacrifices, and important services, if I had forces, I should be glad to write a volume. But this I hope will be done by some younger and abler hand. Mr. Thatcher, because his name and merits are less known, must not be wholly omitted. This gentleman was an excellent barrister at law, in as large practice as any one in Boston. There was not a citizen of that town more universally beloved for his learning, ingenuity, every domestic and social vir

* Tudor's life of James Otis may well occupy the same bureau as Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry. The ancient dominion of Massachusetts has found an advocate as well as the ancient dominion of Virginia,