LETTER V. MY LORD, BEFORE we pass from the American war to the war of 1793, that is, from Lord North's war, to Mr. Pitt's war, we must pay due attention to the most important question that in any period of English history ever agitated our nation; namely, that which respects a reform in our parliamentary representation, and the duration of parliaments: I say the most important question, and I say it with confidence; because that which is political liberty itself, must hold precedence of that which is only an aid or a security to liberty, whatever may be its dignity or its magnitude: this question therefore exceeds in importance any thing that was settled either by Magna charta or the Bill of Rights; both of which, inasmuch as they secured not such a representation of the people in Parliament, nor such a short duration of parliaments, as both the English constitution and the rights of nature require, much as they did in aid of our liberties, were yet to our cost lamentably defective. At various periods, attempts were made to restore annual elections, particularly in 1744, and 1745; and according to my recollection, the late Mr. Sawbridge also annually, for several years made a motion to that effect; and in the year 1776, Mr. Wilkes moved, and made a good speech, for a more equal representation but, the writer of this letter was himself, so far as he knows, the first who introduced the actual discussion of the question now under consideration, through the medium of the press; 1 to which he was much stimulated, by reading Burgh's Political Disquisitions. : His friend Mr. Granville Sharp published in 1774, in vindication of the liberties of the people of Ireland, as not bound by Bri tish statutes, "A Declaration of the People's Natural Right to a share in the Legislature;" in which the general principles applying to all just legislation are laid down. His attention was first drawn to the subject, by his having (then a sea officer in retirement) entered into the American controversy; by which he was led to notice the extreme ignorance and disregard of the constitution, then observable in the legislature; and, examining these phenomena, he soon perceived the cause. In the spring 1775, on republishing collectively a series of Letters for preserving to us America, he slightly touched on the subject of parliamentary reform; expressing a hope that Lord Camden, acting upon his own "wish" that the maxim of Machiavel should be followed," of examining a constitution at certain "periods, according to its first principles, in order "to correct abuses, and supply defects," would take up the question, and "frame a proper bill on the "occasion." But as this was not done by that nobleman, and as the subject was near his heart, he himself afterwards entered regularly upon the discussion, and early in 1776, published his original treatise, and to the best of his power pressed the question upon the attention of persons in both houses of Parliament; as well as upon that of such private persons, as, in his retired situation, he was acquainted with. In 1777, he published his second treatise on reform; and in 1779, he in conjunction with the late Dr. John Jebb, and the present Mr. Capel Lofft, laid the first stone in founding the Society for Constitutional Information. Many distinguished persons both in and out of parliament became members, the immortal Sir William Jones accepted our election "with pleasure and gratitude," and the Society, according to the object of its institution, widely disseminated the principles of parliamentary reformation. In 1780, the writer published his third treatise on the subject, and in the same year a noble member of the society, the Duke of Richmond, offered to the House of Lords, in an able and impressive speech, a Bill of Reform, on the principles laid down in the treatises above mentioned. The subject now engrossed much of the public attention; and the more it became understood, the greater was the interest it excited. Your Grace will recollect the quintuple alliance of London, 1 Amer. Independ. &c. p. 29. 2 Memoirs. 66 Westminster, Southwark, Middlesex, and Surry; and the other associations of towns, cities, and counties all over the kingdom; particularly that which so distinguished, for its public spirit the county of York, where the first meeting for restoring independence to parliament, was called by a requisition to the Sheriff, with two hundred and nine respectable signatures. It was held on the 30th. December, 1779, and appointed a Committee of sixty one. to carry on the necessary "correspondence for effectually promoting the object "of their petition, and to prepare a plan of an associa "tion on legal and constitutional grounds to support "that laudable reform, and such other measures as may "conduce to restore the freedom of parliament."1 The solemn proceedings likewise of all the associating bodies, by their deputies, who in the years 1780, and 1781, met in the metropolis, and placed in their Chair, that venerable and steadfast patriot, Mr. Wyvill, will not be forgotten. The Association of the Volunteers of Ireland, the grand National Convention, of that country, and the proceedings of their delegates in the same cause, are great and honourable features in the history of those times. The proceedings of the Associated Bodies both in England and Ireland, and of delegates, Mr. Wyvill has taken care for the most part to record in his invaluable collection of " Political Papers," which already amount to five bulky volumes : nor has the present writer ever since the first moving of the question, except while, in deference to Mr. Pitt, he waited for the fulfilment of that gentleman's engagements, been very negligent, as may be seen by the subjoined list of his publications, among which No. 13 is 1 Wyvill's Polit: Papers, I. 4. 2 No. 1. Take your Choice. 1776. 2. The Legislative Rights of the Commonalty Vindicated, 1777. 3. Declaration of those Rights of the Commonalty of Great Britain, without which they cannot be free, 1799. 4. Declaration of Rights, without which no Englishman can be a free man, nor the English Nation a free People, 1780. 6. An Address to the Committees of the Associated Counties, &c. 1780. 6. The People's Barrier against undue Influence and Corruption, partly on another subject, and No. 19, 21, and 25, embrace also a reform in the military branch of the constitution, no less essential to liberty and good government, than even a reform in our representation; for they who can monopolize the swords are masters of all mens lives, liberties, and properties. Although it be true that a cause which rests on the eternal principles of truth and justice; on principles without which liberty cannot exist, and without which likewise property must be a word without a meaning, and the English constitution also a dream; a causé which every human breast, not bribed against the common rights and interest, or not blinded by prejudices equivalent to insanity, must feel to be its own; al 7. Letter to the Freeholders of Middlesex, and Electors of London and Westminster, 1780. 8. Letters to the Deputies of the Associated and Petitioning Coun ties, Cities and Towns, 1781. 9. Ditto-To which is annexed, the Right and Duty, as well as Wisdom and Necessity of being Armed, for defence of the Peace, and Laws, and Liberties of our Country, 1782. 10. Give us our Rights! 1782. 10. Dialogue between a Clergyman and a Cottager, 1783. 11. Address to the Merchants, Manufacturers, &c. of Leeds, Wakefield, &c. 1783 or 1784. 12. Internal Evidence-In answer to Soame Jenyns, Esq. 1784. 13. Letter to the Duke of Newcastle, 1792.1 14. Letter to a Friend at Boston, on associating in support of the Constitution, 1793. 15. The Commonwealth in Danger, 1795. 16. Letter to the High Sheriff of Lincolnshire, 1795. 17. Petition to the House of Commons, against the Pitt and Gren 18. Appendix to the Letter to the High Sheriff of Lincolnshire, 1795. 22. Letter to the Rev. Chr. Wyvill, 1801. 23. Letter to the Electors of Nottingham, 1803. 24. A Review of the Proceedings upon the Petitions, complaining of an undue election and return for the town of Nottingham, 1803. 25. England's Ægis, 1804. New Edit. 2 Vol. 1806. 26. Declaration of the Middlesex Freeholder's Club: and a Speech, 1804 hate of the Nation 1805 1 The principal matter of this letter is on another subject, but that of Reforın makes part of it. 1809 theasons for theformati on though such a cause stands not in need of the authority of names to recommend it to approbation, yet as there is a natural curiosity in wishing to know what eminent men have in any degree contributed to the advancement of truth, and the promoting of human freedom, I shall present my readers with a list of those, in whose works, or in whose occasional letters, according to materials in my hands, or my recollection, may be found direct testimonies of a wish, either for a more equal representation of the people in parliament, or for a much shorter legal duration of parliaments than at present; for which list see the Appendix. In this list we cannot expect to find many early complainants against the inequality of representation; for while other dangers to liberty engaged mens' attention, and excited their efforts, it was not suspected that in this defect lay the seeds of a complete subversion of the constitution; but I confess it appears to me very wonderful, that so little attention had in times past been paid to the circumstance of duration; because from parliaments of a duration beyond a single session, the greatest evils had befallen both the nation, and its kings; and whether a longer duration had been against law, as by the proceedings of Richard the second, Henry the eighth, and Charles the second; or by law, as when the mistaken patriots in the reign of Charles the first, obtained an act to secure them from a dissolution without the consent of both houses,1 the mischief had been equally certain, and deplorable. It is not intended to insert in the list, parliamentary speakers in general, who in debate have shewn themselves favourable to reform, because their names are either familiar to the reader, or their sentiments accessisible to him at pleasure: but two in particular are inserted, because of having spoken on both sides; namely, Lord Melville, who, although these questions are of the very essence of the constitution on points at all times equally sacred, was against reform, and for it, and against it again, according to the ministerial order of the day;2 and Mr. Pitt, once the very champion, 1 16 Charles I. c. 7. 2" The Right Hon. Henry Dundas, "thought it his duty to state some of those reasons to the house "which induced him to declare himself a sincere friend to this question. [A very hearty laugh.] Debate on Reform, 18 Ap. 1785. See Wyvill's Polit. Papers II. 340. |