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with iron, and which opened into a verandah. Mr. Holwell, who was a member of council, and the chief of the English there, remonstrated against the cruelty of forcing them into so small an apartment, but the officer of the guard threatened to cut down any man who refused to enter, and the prisoners, seeing that it was useless to resist, suffered themselves to be packed in, which being done with difficulty, the door was locked. The night was the 19th of June, and was even more sultry than is usual at that time of the year there. Many of the prisoners were suffering from their woundssome others, soldiers, were inflamed with arrack, which they had been drinking in the fort. The horrors all endured are too dreadful to be detailed. They tried to burst the door, and seek relief from the scimitars of the guards. Mr. Holwell offered one of the inferior officers, who showed some sympathy for their fate, 1,000 rupees, if he could get them distributed into two apartments. He went to try; but on his return said, that the nabob was asleep, and that no change could be made. The sum was now doubled, and he tried again, but returning, he said that nothing could be done, that the nabob was still asleep, and that nobody could dare to waken him. There was now no hope. The air was pestilential, some were suffocated, others were trampled to death, and there was a frantic struggle to get near the windows. The officer who had been before appealed to, forced in some skins of water through the bars, but this seemed only to increase their misery. The contests for the liquid were fearful; and the soldiers without, with a demon feeling, held up lights to see and enjoy the gestures of the combatants. Some sought, by incentives, to tempt the guards to fire upon them; others were raving mad; and midst this wailing scene, the only cry that was not one of horror, was that of prayer. At two o'clock, only fifty were alive; and when Sarajah awoke, at six in the morning, and gave orders for the door to be opened, only twenty-three were taken out alive, ghastly and insensible.

It is said that the nabob did not actually mean to cause so dreadful a catastrophe. Possibly he did not much consider all the horrors which would follow; but it is quite plain that he

VOL. XXXII.-NO, CXCII.

gave the order for imprisonment; for when he awoke in the morning, his first question had reference to the sufferers, inquiring in what condition they were; and even then his hardened indifference to their fate showed his cruelty.

When Mr. Holwell, who was one of the survivors, was brought into his presence, weak and scarcely sensible, he expressed no regret for his sufferings, no sorrow for those who had perished, but proceeded sternly to interrogate him on the far more interesting topic of the treasure which he supposed was concealed in the fort. Mill, with an air of liberality which so often appears in his work, just when it ought not, throws the blame of the transaction on the English themselves, on the ground that they had no business to have so confined a prison. It was, no doubt, large enough for all the purposes of the English factory at that time.

As soon as the news of this massacre, and of the fall of Calcutta, reached Madras, it was determined in council there, to prepare an expedition forthwith, to retake the possessions of the English, and avenge their wrongs. After some delay, arising out of personal feelings and jealousies between the company's and the king's service, an armament was fitted out, consisting of 900 Europeans and 1,500 sepoys, with a fleet of five ships under the command of Admiral Watson, and the control of the whole was confided to Clive.

The force was small, considering the powerful despot it was destine d to assail; but Clive said that his Europeans "were full of spirit and of resentment," and he had no doubt of their success. On the 2nd of January, 1757, they retook Calcutta, which had been abandoned by the nabob, who was concentrating his troops at some distance from that town. Although his army amounted to 40,000 men, Clive determined to make a night attack upon his camp. Owing to some errors in the execution of this plan, he was not successful, but was obliged to retire with a considerable loss; still the effort was so daring, and the courage exhibited by his men so remarkable, that the movement had all the influence of a victory. The nabob sought rather to negotiate than to fight; and although Clive had no reliance on his character, he conceived

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himself bound, in the critical position in which he was placed, to treat with him, if it were practicable. A compact was accordingly made, by which great advantages were conferred upon the English. Clive, however, seems to have relied but little on the stability of this peace; for, in communicating the details of it to the directors, he observes, "that it cannot be expected that the princes of this country, whose fidelity is always to be suspected, will remain firin to their engagements and promises from principle only." There was great reason for the caution conveyed in these remarks; for it afterwards appeared that the seal had not been put to the treaty, before the nabob was engaged in making overtures to the French, to assist him in expelling the English from Bengal. was a contingency on which Clive had counted; and his first object after making peace with the nabob, was to march against the French factory at Chandernagore, where they had a thriving establishment, and a force about equal to his own. He claimed the nabob's agreement to this proceeding, on the ground that the English and the French were then at war. The nabob tried hard to evade giving his assent, but, after some correspondence, Clive advanced against this place, and took it by storm. In this expedition he acted on his own responsibility, disregarding orders from Madras, which recalled him there. He was aware of the efforts which the French government were making for the recovery of their influence in the East; he knew that M. Bussy, with a European and a large native force, was at no great distance from Bengal; and he clearly saw that a French and English power could not co-exist in India; he therefore concluded that he was consulting the interest of England, and the honor of her arms, in assailing her ablest enemy, while he could do so to advantage. On effecting this conquest, he made the further discovery that the nabob was actually in treaty with M. Bussy. He then determined to incur the further responsibility of declaring war against this prince, and of taking part in a conspiracy to dethrone him. "He is," said Clive, "a villain, and either he or we must be upset." Suraj-aDoulah was, as we may easily con

ceive such a monster must have been, well hated. His tyranny had rendered him unpopular with most of the leaders in his court and camp, and his exactions had set many of the men of wealth against him. There was one feature in the Mogul polity which contributed a good deal to the insecurity of an unjust ruler. While the admi nistration of justice, and every military appointment, was kept in the hands of the Mussulmans, all that related to finance was abandoned to the Hindoos. They were the conductors of money arrangements, the bankers in large towns, the money-lenders in the vil lages. "I prefer Hindoos as managers and renters, to those of my own religion," said Ameer-ul-Omra, the minister of the nabob of the Carnatic, "because a Mahommedan is like a sieve, and a Hindoo like a sponge. Whatever you put into the one runs through; the other retains it all, and you may recover it any moment by the application of a little pressure." This pressure, however, very much dis posed its victims to aid in conspiracies, and their influence was usually great. Amongst those who had suffered by the fall of Calcutta was a native banker, named Omichund, who was artful and avaricious, and who hoped, by political intrigues, to replace his losses. He was mainly the channel through which Clive communicated with the disaffected in the nabob's camp. Their wish was to set the latter aside, and to make Meer Jaffier, the commander-in-chief of his army, their ruler in his stead. The latter took an undecided part, evidently wishing to adhere to his master until he saw that he could desert him with safety. It was also plain that Omichund was not to be depended on, for after having stipulated for an enor mous reward, under the name of compensation, he told the English that unless they secured him the further sum of £300,000, as recompense for his agency, he would go over to Suraj a-Doulah, and apprise him of the conspiracy. "Promise him," said Clive, "all he asks, and draw up any form of engagement which shall satisfy him, and secure us against his treachery." This was done in a manner, which, if it be at all defensible, certainly shows that Clive was not over scrupulous. The expedient was a fictitious agree

ment, a proceeding which, in our mind, no emergency could justify..

This was the condition of affairs when Suraj-a-Doula commanded his army, amounting to upwards of 55,000 men, with a large park of artillery, to advance against the English towards the plains of Plassey. The order was at once obeyed; and Clive, who had been assured that Meer Jaffier would come over and join him with his large division, saw no symptom of such a move. He had, moreover, intelligence that Bussy, with a disciplined force, was moving to the nabob's aid.

The

rains too were at hand, and the council at Madras were imploring him to return, as all there were in alarm, daily expecting to be besieged by a French armament, known to be on its way from Europe. In this predicament, Clive made a false step; for the first and last time of his life he called a council of war. His whole force consisted of 3,000 men, one-third of them English, the rest sepoys, and his artillery consisted of eight sixpounders and a howitzer. The question which he propounded was, “Whether, in our present situation, without assistance, and on our own bottom, it would be prudent to attack the nabob; or whether we should wait till joined by some country power?" Clive spoke first, and voted for delay; he was joined by eight others, and seven were for an immediate attack, so that the council, which was composed of sixteen officers, was nearly divided. The question was regarded as definitely settled, and Clive retired to a grove, where, resting under a tree, he revolved the matter again in his mind for a whole hour, and then, regardless of the decision of the council, and of his own expressed opinion, announced his intention of attacking the enemy. No one describes a battle better than Mr. Gleig, and we therefore transcribe from his pages the triumph of Plassey :

"At dawn of day on the 22nd, the army began to cross the river; by four in the afternoon the last division was safely across. No halt ensued. The boats being towed against the stream with great labour, the infantry and guns pushed forward; and after a march of fifteen miles, the whole bivouacked, about three in the morning of the 23rd, in a grove, or small wood, not far from Plassey.

"Clive's intelligence had led him to expect that the enemy were in position at Cossimbogue. A rapid march had, however, carried them on to Plassey, where they occupied the line or entrenched camp, which, during the siege of Chandernagore, Roydullub had thrown up, and scarcely were the British troops lain down, ere the sound of drums, clarions, and cymbals warned them of the proximity of danger. Picquets were immediately pushed forward, and sentinels planted, and for an hour or two longer the weary soldiers and camp-followers were permitted to rest.

"Day broke at last, and forth from their entrenched camp the hosts of Suraj-a-Doulah were seen to pour. 40,000 foot, armed, some with matchlocks, others with spears, swords, and bows, overspread the plain; fifty pieces of cannon moved with them, each mounted upon a sort of wheeled-platform, which a long team of white oxen dragged, and an elephant pushed onwards from the rere. The cavalry numbered 15,000; and it was observed that in respect both of their horses and equipments, they were very superior to any which Clive and the soldiers of the Carnatic had seen on their own side of India. The fact was, that this force consisted almost entirely of Rajpoots, or Patans, soldiers from their childhood, and individually brave and skilful with their weapons. But among them, not less than among the infantry, the bond of discipline was wanting; and placing no reliance one upon the other, their very multitude became to them a source of weakness. On the other hand, Clive's small, but most pliable army, stood silent as the grave. It consisted of about 1,000 Europeans, inured to toil, and indifferent to danger, and of

Two agreements were prepared, one written on red paper, promising all that Omichund had asked-the other, on white paper, giving him nothing. Admiral Watson signed the latter, but refused to sign the other, to which, however, his name was affixed by the committee. The Hindoo was deceived, and when, after the battle of Plassey, he claimed his reward, he was told, "The red treaty is a sham, you are to have nothing." The wretched man fell into the arms of an attendant, never uttered a complaint, became an idiot, and shortly after died. It is but right to add, that Clive never could see anything wrong in the transaction, and that his biographer, Sir John Malcolm, defends it.

2,000 sepoys, who trained in the same school, had imbibed no small share of the same spirit. Of these Europeans a portion of Adlercron's regiment constituted perhaps the flower. The name of Adlercron has long since ceased to be had in remembrance; but the gallant 39th still carry with them, wherever they go, a memorial of that day-the word" Plassey," and the proud motto, “Primus in Indis" standing emblazoned upon their colours, beside many a similar record of good service performed in Spain and in the south of France.

"The battle of Plassey began at daybreak, and was continued for many hours, with a heavy cannonade on the part of the enemy, to which the guns of the English warmly replied. The fire of the latter told at every sound; that of the former was much more noisy than destructive, partly because Clive sheltered his men behind a mud fence

which surrounded the grove, partly

because the nabob's artillerists were as unskilful as their weapons were cumbrous. No decisive movement was, however, made on either side, for Clive felt himself too weak in numbers to act on the offensive; besides, he still expected that Meer Jaffier would come over to him, and, until some indication of the anticipated move were given, he did not consider that he would be justified in quitting his ground. The nabob's troops, on the other hand, were such as the ablest general could not pretend to manoeuvre under fire, and able genera's were wholly wanting to them." Under these circumstances Clive, whom excessive fatigue had worn out, lay down and slept, although not until he had given directions that, in the event of any change occurring, he should be immediately called. Accordingly, about noon, one of his people awoke him, and said that the enemy were retiring. He started up; the day, it appeared, being overcast, a heavy shower had followed, which so damaged the enemy's powder, that their artillery became in a great degree useless; and as they trusted eutirely to their superiority in that arm, they no longer ventured to keep the field. In a moment, Clive gave the word to advance. There was one little band attached to the nabob's force which served him in good stead that day. It consisted of about forty French soldiers, European and native, the remains of the garrison of Chandernagore, with four light field-pieces. Against

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these Clive first directed an attack to be made, and though they resisted stoutly, he drove them from a redoubt in which they were established, and seized their guns. With the apparent design of preventing this, the nabob's people again sallied forth; but they came on this time in a confused mass, and a well-directed fire from the English guns first checked and then turned them. Advantage was promptly taken of the panic, no respite was given to the fugitives, for the victors entering with them, pell-mell into their camp, soon converted the retreat into a flight. In an hour from the first moment of the English beyond the exterior of the grove, a battle, on which may be said to have hung the destinies of India, was decided.-Gleig's Life of Clive, pp. 81-82.

As the battle was closing, Clive observed a dense body of troops, on the enemy's left, moving obliquely towards his right. They made no communication, and were fired on as they ap proached. When the engagement was quite over, horsemen came in, announc ing that this was Meer Jaffier's corps, and that he sent his congratulations to the victors. On the following morning that chieftain entered the camp; but he was obviously uneasy, and appeared conscious of his duplicity; for he was observed to change colour when the guard turned out to receive him. Clive, however, soon calmed his fears. He received him with open arms, and hailed him as Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and Ovissa. Such was the battle of Plassey, which forms the first great era in the history of British India. Fought under circumstances of great discouragement, it achieved for us the richest district of Hindostan, established England as a recognised power, and spread the terror of her arms throughout the provinces of the Mogul empire, then tottering to its fall.

Mr. Wilson's work, now completed, ineets, we are quite sure, the expectations of the public. We much regret that he did not re-write the history of the period embraced by Mill; but he has done the next best thing, by cor recting the errors and fancies of that much-biassed author, in his well-considered notes.

THE PHILELLENIST.

CHAPTER IV.—THE EARTHQUAKE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.

LESTER now proceeded to discuss with him their future proceedings in this affair. Like a straightforward Englishman, he proposed to go at once and offer a large sum to the Pasha in exchange for so insignificant a part of his possessions; but this plan Manouk rejected at once. He was aware that Cyllene had spoken truly when she said that Kosreff was sufficiently wealthy to despise any amount of gold which he would offer; and, on the contrary, the prudent Turk feared it might but be the means of bringing the Greek slave under the notice of her master, which would prove most fatal to their hopes. He was unable, however, at the moment, to offer any other suggestion, except to decide that they should go together day by day to the palace, towards nightfall, there to wait with patience and the utmost watchfulness, till they were favoured by some such lucky chance as that which had brought Manouk in contact with the Armenian doctor.

Lester acceded to this arrangement much against his will, but he could not doubt that the Turk was the best judge in this matter; nor did he waver in his determination to trust to his guidance entirely, from their want of success the first night that they kept watch near the splendid prison of the young Greek slave. Not a single individual appeared outside the walls during the long hours that they spent hovering round them, and even the adventurous Englishman despaired of ever being able to penetrate into the enclosure, unless, indeed, by stratagem. Next day, Manouk proposed that he should precede his companion in their unpromising enterprise, in order that being alone he might be less liable to excite suspicion, and would, perhaps, find means to prepare some subtle plan in which Lester could assist him when he arrived. Regardless of the burning heat, he therefore set out at noon, along with the indefatigable cat; and it was not till the sun was sinking,

with that strange rapidity which characterises its setting in the East, that the Englishman prepared to follow him.

The day had been one of heat, such as he had not yet felt even in Asia, and it seemed to him, as he mounted, and began to ride slowly over the plain, that his horse shared with himself the langour and weariness which the heavy sultriness of the air never fails to produce. Behind him the flaming sun was going down in a shroud of fire, and its last bright rays swept unobstructed over the monotonous expanse of the barren, desolate waste, which stretched out before him, unde. viating in hue, and presenting not a single object which could attract the eye. There is something most oppressive in the atmosphere of the desert, in its silence of lifelessness, where there is not a leaf to rustle in the wind, or insect to fit murmuring by, which must be actually felt to be understood; and Lester was fully under its influence, as he rode on buried in thought; but suddenly his horse snorted violently, reared up, and then remained motionless, with his ears laid back as though in terror. The Englishman hastily looked up, and himself became transfixed with surprise: either he was the victim of a singular hallucination, or a most extraordinary spectacle was, indeed, present before hin.

At a considerable distance from the spot where he stood, he could distinctly perceive a number of gigantic figures, veiled each one in a thin white shroud, who were gliding slowly and majesti cally over the plain-too dim and vapour-like to admit of any positive form. being distinguished, and yet sufficiently substantial to cast a long shadow behind them. These monstrous phantoms appeared to be engaged in the mazes of a mystic dance: they certainly were performing the strangest evolutions-turning round slowly, advancing towards one another, receding again, then seeming to bend forward in a solemn salutation, and at times

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