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sometimes abused-that merchants with such prerogatives were too eager for gain-that factors, living in what was felt, from its distance, to be a new world, forgot their responsibility. In 1665, Sir Edward Winter, governor of Madras, being superseded for undue practices, had the boldness to imprison the person who was sent out to succeed him, and actually held the government until 1668, when, by the special direction of the king, he resigned it. Sir John Child seized thirteen large ships at Surat, the property of merchants there, and sailed with his plunder to Bombay, of which he was then governor. It appears, indeed, that this was effected with the knowledge of a sub-committee of the directors at home; but if this circumstance diminishes the audacity of the act, it exhibits the morals of the company as of no very elevated order. Quite in agreement with this view are the sentiments of the chief director, as expressed in a letter to one who was appointed a judge in India. “I expect," says that autocratic trader,

that my will and orders shall be your rule, and not the laws of England, which are a heap of nonsense compiled by a number of country gentlemen, who hardly know how to govern their own families, much less the regulating companies and foreign commerce. Having now the power of condemning the company's enemies, or such as shall be deemed so, particularly those that shall question the company's power over all the British subjects in India, I expect my orders from time to time shall be obeyed and received as statute laws."

It was not, as our readers will easily believe, by conduct and principles such as these, that the East India Company advanced in power, but in despite of them. They incurred the dislike and the hostile feelings of the native princes, and Aurungzebe threatened to raze their factories to the ground. He seized Surat, sent a fleet to attack Bombay, and at the same time assailed them in other points. The servants of the company made the most abject submission, and the emperor, only looking on them as traders, and conceiving their commerce to be of some importance to his subjects, forgave them. The enemies from whom the company had most to

dread at this time were the merchants of their own country, who interfered with their monopoly, and were known by the name of "Interlopers." Their profits were doubtless larger than those of the company, and they became so influential at home, that when, in 1698, the charter of the East India Company was brought under the consideration of parliament, they actually obtained for themselves the exclusive right of trading with the East. This they acquired by offering to the government an advance on better terms than those proposed by the company. But the latter soon after got a new confirmation of their grant; and thus the nation had at the same time two East India Companies, each with privileges alike exclusive, granted by the crown and confirmed by the legislature, and both expending their gains in corrupting parliament, not only by purchasing seats, but also by directly bribing members of the lords and commons. Wearied by such expensive struggles, they at length combined their stock, under the charter given to the old company, on the 5th September, 1698, and assumed the name under which they have ever since remained incorporated-" The United Company of Merchants Trading to the East Indies." The privileges of the united corporation were confirmed, and extended by an act of parliament, in 1708, and the general tranquillity which, a few years afterwards, ensued on the peace of Utrecht, was favourable to their interests.

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It was a little previously to these last dates that the company seems for the first time to have raised their views from trade to territory. 1689 they write out to their agents that revenue is for the future to engage their attention, as much as traffic; that they wish to be "a nation in India," and they cite with approval the example of the Dutch, who they say wrote to their governors ten paragraphs about tribute, for every one which concerned commerce. But as yet their views in this respect were of the humblest character; they only extended to the acquisition of territory by purchase, and in this manner they became possessed of some districts on the Coromandel coasts, where they built Fort St. David; and the Nabob of Bengal, desiring to replenish his

exchequer, in order to enable him to sustain a war, the company succeeded in buying from him the zemirdarships of certain towns and districts, amongst which was that of Calcutta, where they erected Fort William, and which was, in 1707, declared to be the seat of a presidency.

From the peace of Utrecht, until the recommencement of hostilities in Europe, embracing a period of more than thirty years, the company advanced in commercial prosperity. The date of the war which then took place between England and France, 1744, is a cardinal era in the history of our Asiatic realm; but before we attempt any narrative of its events, we must glance at the relations of the latter power with the East.

In the reign of Louis XIV., and the year 1664, Colbert founded a French East India Company; their capital was £625,000; their charter, pursuant to the views of the age, was a monopoly, with what were even at that time singular encouragements. They were to have not only an immunity from all taxes for fifty years, but the government bound itself to make good to them any loss they might sustain within the first ten. Their commencing efforts were made in Madagascar, but their settlement was ill-chosen and unsuccessful. They afterwards, with better fortune, took possession of the islands of Ceane and Mascarenhas, and gave them respectively the, names of Mauritius and Bourbon. In 1668 they established a factory at Surat, and after failing in other places, they formed a station at Pondicherry. This place, which was well fortified, became the centre of the French trade in India, and they acquired some territory around it; when, in 1744, Walpole was driven from power, and war took place between England and France, the French conceived the idea of destroying our settlements in India, and of extending their own influence. They had at this time some agents there of distinguished ability. One was M. de Labourdonnais, a native of Brittany, who, early in life, engaged in trade in India, and made there a considerable fortune. His talents attracted the attention of the viceroy of Goa, at whose suggestion he entered the service of the king of Portugal, and was for two years the agent of

that government on the Coromandel coast. Returning to France, he was selected by his own government to form their new colonies in the isles of France and Bourbon, and by a wise and energetic administration he advanced the resources and civilisation of those islands in a very remarkable manner. He made roads, constructed bridges, had the natives taught the most useful trades, extended and improved the cultivation of the coffeeplant, and introduced the culture of indigo and of the sugar-cane. The character he thus made, raised his influence with the ministers at home, and on his return to Europe, in 1740, he suggested a plan whereby he should be prepared, on the first outbreak of hostilities, to attack and destroy the English settlements in the East, before a fleet from Europe could arrive to support them. This we shall see he afterwards attempted. M. Dupleix, who was at this time governor of Pondicherry, and chief of the French in India, was also a remarkable man. He inherited from his father, who was a director of the French East India Company, a large fortune, which he greatly increased by successful speculations in the India trade. He was, in 1720, sent out as first member of the council at Pondicherry; was afterwards made chief of the French sta tion at Chandernagore, and having in these positions made known his public talents, he was appointed governor-inchief at Pondicherry. He was bold, able, unscrupulous, and ambitious. Being largely engaged on his own account in the internal trade of India, he became better acquainted with the politics and relations of that country than any other European of that period. These were the two most prominent Frenchmen in India when the war of the Austrian succession broke out, in 1744. At this time France had undoubtedly more influence in the East than England. Her East India Company was to the full as wealthy, and she had besides extensive possessions in the Spice Islands. She could also command a larger military force, and had besides armed and disciplined the sepoys. It was, we may observe, from her that we learned the two main secrets of our successes in the East-the superiority of regular troops when employed against Asiatic hordes,

and the enrolment and maintenance of a sepoy force. When the intelligence that war had taken place in Europe reached Labourdonnais in the East, he found himself without the naval force which his government had promised him; but, notwithstanding, he resolved to act on his own resources. He accordingly detained such vessels as touched at his island, manned them with sailors as well as he could, training for this purpose even the natives of Madagascar; and having thus procured nine ships, and mustered a force of 1,100 Europeans, with some 400 sepoys, and 300 Caffres, in addition to his seamen, he first attacked the English squadron of four ships and a frigate. Night terminated the action, but the English fleet sheered off, and disappeared from the coast. After looking out for it for some days, Labourdonnais proceeded to Madras, which was at that time our chief station, and most important settlement on the continent of India. It afforded but indifferent means of defence, and its small garrison exhibited little heroism. They capitulated on the 10th of September, 1746; and after having achieved this triumph without the loss of a man, Labourdonnais proceeded to Pondicherry.

His reception there

was far different from what he deserved. Dupleix, jealous of his success, maintained that he had exceeded his powers, refused to support him in his views, and compelled him to return to France, where he made such unfavourable representations of his conduct that he was arrested, imprisoned in the Bastile for three years, and soon afterwards died. Freed by this unworthy conduct from all rivalry, Dupleix resolved to follow up the measures of Labourdonnais, which were quite consonant to his own aspiring policy. He looked forward, first, to the destruction of the British settlements, and next to the establishment of a French dominion in India; and his ambition compelled us to adopt that line of action which has led to our acquisition of empire there.

Dupleix, evading the terms of the capitulation of Madras, even exposed that place to plunder, carried off the governor and chief inhabitants, and paraded them as prisoners through the town of Pondicherry. Amongst the English, who now regarded them

selves as absolved from their parole, given to Labourdonnais, was a young clerk, Robert Clive, whose yet humble name was soon to be known as foremost of the Europeans in India. He escaped in the disguise of a Mussulman to Fort St. David.

The Nabob of Arcot, who, when Pondicherry was, in the preceding year, threatened by our fleet, had, as prince of the province, interfered to save it, now thought proper to extend a like protection to Madras, and accordingly he sent his son, with 10,000 men, to expel the French and restore it to the English. This proved in its results one of the most important incidents in our history.

The French had 1,200 soldiers, with some artillery, which they managed well; and with this small force they not only repelled the attack of the nabob's troops, but following them for four miles, assailed them in their own position at Mount St. Thomas, and put them completely to the rout.

The spell which upheld the Mahommedan power in India was for ever broken; the Europeans saw in the superiority of their discipline, and their well-served artillery, the secret of their strength, and were not slow in availing themselves of the discovery.

Dupleix next assailed Fort St. David, and while before it, had the address to gain over to his interests the Nabob of Arcot, who was now impressed with a high idea of the prowess of the French troops. Fort St. David was, however, soon relieved by the appearance of an English fleet before it, consisting of nine sail of the line, and having on board a body of 1,400 soldiers, making the largest European force then in India. This circumstance quite changed the aspect of affairs. Pondicherry was besieged by the English; but their arrangements were ineffective, the sickly season set in, and they were compelled to abandon the attempt. Dupleix claimed our failure as a triumph, and by his artful representations raised his reputation with the native princes.

Such was the state of things in 1749, when the news arrived in India that the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed, and that Madras was, by one of its conditions, restored to the

English. Except in this last particnlar, this celebrated treaty had but little influence in the East. The Europeans, now aware of the weakness of the native powers, began to interfere in their politics, with a view to the extension of their own influence; and the brilliant successes of Dupleix seemed likely to establish a French dominion in Southern India. This country was at the moment on the eve of a civil war, arising out of disputed successions to its two chief kingdoms-the Carnatic and the Deccan-and Dupleix conceived, that by aiding the stronger claimants to each, he would gain not only wealth, territory, and privileges for his country, but eventually establish its ascendancy in India. The right of succession in the Asiatic dynasties was never much regulated by the principle of primogeniture. Might and management were its more prevailing laws, and this was especially the case in India at the period to which we are referring. Mirzapha Jung who claimed the sovereignty of the Deccan, and Chunda Saheb, who aspired to be nabob of the Carnatic, were not either of them the actual possessors of, or the rightful heirs to, these thrones. They came forward, however, with large forces, and the French determined to assist them. These Asiatic princes combining, formed an army of 40,000 men, and Dupleix sent M. d'Autenil, with 2,300 disciplined soldiers, to join them-of this last body 400 were Europeans, the rest sepoys. In their first encounter with the army of the reigning nabob of the Carnatic, consisting of 20,000 men, with a strong field of artillery, the French proposed, with their own small force, to storm their line. They were twice repulsed, but their accustomed valour, stimulated by the fact that they were fighting in the sight of three armies, was at length triumphant, and the nabob of the Carnatic was amongst the slain. The conquerors took possession of Arcot, and the son of the late nabob applied to the English for aid.

His offers were of the most alluring character; but the British officers conceived they had no authority to interfere, and though they viewed with jealousy the growing influence of their European rivals, they were unwilling to engage in open war. The French

interest was thus for a time paramount in the Carnatic. Dupleix shared largely in the tribute collected by his allies, and assumed the state and circumstance of an eastern prince. He was, however, soon called to exhibit his energy and resources in contending with reverses. A claimant for the sovereignty of the Deccan appeared in arms, backed by a numerous host. This was Nazir Jung, who was accepted by the Mogul court as the legitimate heir, and was now marching to the frontier of the Carnatic with a force of about 300,000 men, including 30,000 Mahratta cavalry.

Seeing that he was acknowledged and supported by the Emperor of Delhi, the English, who had been long anxious to take the field against the French, joined his standard. Their force, which was commanded by Major Laurence, consisted of 700 soldiers. Dupleix made every effort to aid and prepare his allies. He supplied them with a loan of £50,000, increased the French contingent, and opened negotiations with some Affghan chiefs who were in the army of Nazir, and who seemed disposed to dethrone him.

When the two great hosts came into view, and appeared to be ready for the fight, Major Lawrence, who had become aware of the weakness and want of discipline of his ally, and who was well acquainted with the better preparations of their enemy, suggested to Nazir to avoid a combat.

This was a course which that haughty prince thought it unbecoming his honour to adopt, and he would probably have been routed, but for a circumstance wholly unexpected by both parties that was, a mutiny amongst the French officers. A number of them resigned their commissions, because certain demands which they had made were not conceded; and D'Auteil, their commander, having vainly endeavoured to recall them to their duty, retired with his division to Pondicherry. Thus deprived of their best arm, the forces of Chunda Sahib, the French nominee of the Carnatic, and of Mirzapha Jung, Nizam, or king of the Deccan, became disbanded. The former of these princes took refuge in Pondicherry, while the latter surrendered to his opponent, and was thrown into

prison. Desperate as was now his condition, Dupleix did not despair. He succeeded in negotiating a conspiracy in the army of Nazir-restored order amongst his own troops; and surprising the Moguls at midnight, put great numbers of them to the sword. Meanwhile, Major Lawrence, conceiving that his experience was not appreciated by Nazir, or his advice attended to, too hastily withdrew his contingent; and the French, pursuing their advantages, took Gingee, the strongest fortress in the Carnatic. They had yet a greater triumph. The Affghans, whose disaffection Dupleix had beeen encouraging, now made known to him that they were ripe for revolt, and M. Latouche, a distinguished officer who was in command of the French, was directed to act with them against the camp of Nazir Jung. In the well-fought conflict which followed, Nazir was slain, and Mirzapha led forth from prison, and exchanging his irons for a crown, was again installed as sovereign of the Deccan.

Chunda Sahib was likewise restored to power as prince of the Carnatic, or Nabob of Arcot, the title by which he was better known. The French influence was then triumphant in the East, and their ambitious views were likely to expand to the utter ruin of the British interest, were it not for the heroism and genius of Clive, whose first great achievement we have next to notice. As, however, he is most justly regarded as the founder of our Asiatic empire, and as its progress during many years is intimately connected with his personal history, we think it well worth while to notice some few of the incidents of his earlier life, and especially such as elucidate his character.

Robert Clive was born at the manor-house of Styche, near MarketDrayton, in Shropshire, on the 29th of September, 1725. His father was Richard Clive, an attorney, and possessor of the small estate of Styche, of which we find his family were proprietors so far back as in the reign of Henry II. His mother was a Miss Gaskill of Manchester. Robert was the eldest of thirteen children, six sons and seven daughters, and was sent, before he was three years old, to be brought up by a maternal aunt,

who was married to a gentleman named Bayley, of Hope Hall, Manchester. Whatever was the reason for this arrangement, he appears to have been treated at Hope-Hall with kindness, and to have always looked back to that scene of his childhood with affectionate remembrance. He wasof a wayward and impetuous temper, and early showed the boldness of his character. Writing of him in his seventh year, Mr. Bayley describes him as "beyond measure addicted to fighting," and speaks of his desire "to suppress the hero," that he may "bring forward the more valuable qualities of meekness, benevolence, and patience." This temperament was not improved by the nature of his education, which was desultory, caught up at different schools, at all of which, however, he gained a character for intrepidity.

"It is told of him at Market

Drayton," says Mr. Gleig, "that for the purpose of getting a smooth stone out of a water-spout, with which to make ducks and drakes, he ascended to the top of the church-tower, and let himself down on the parapetwall, to the distance of at least three feet. He is described as putting himself at the head of all the good-for-nothing lads in the same town, and after a series of petty outrages on the tradespeople, compelling them to pay a sort of black-mail, as the price of the discontinuance of the nuisance. Finally, his determination of purpose was shown, when, on the breaking down of a mount of turf, by means of which his banditti were labouring to turn a dirty watercourse into the shop-door of an obnoxious dealer, he threw himself into the gutter, and filled the breach with his body till his companions were in a condition more effectually to repair the damage."

These are no hopeful exploits, but they may indicate the energy which he afterwards displayed. Young Robert was destined by his father for his own profession; but seeing that it was illsuited to his irregular and unsettled spirit, he succeeded in obtaining for him something more nearly congenial, in a writership in the service of the East India Company. This was not, at that period, very difficult to obtain, and indeed was no great prize. The junior clerks were hard-worked and badly paid, and much tempted to get into debt. In the year 1743, and the

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