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nothing more, as I was fortifying the We confess that we feel in justice house; Sub-inspector Cox came up in the government is entitled to the beneabout an hour and a-half.”

fit of this denial, until the time comes

when the whole matter can be tho. We confess that on no supposition think it highly probable that, although

roughly sifted in parliament-we of this Rev. Mr. Fitzgerald being with the insurgents in order to dissuade

there may be abundant evidence to them from insurrection, can we under

satisfy every reasonable man, beyond stand the part that he acted on this

the possibility of doubt of the comoccasion. He attempts first to cajole, plicity of very many of the priests

, and then to terrify the police into an

that yet there may turn out, that abandonment of their duty-duty

there does not exist that demonstrawhich they were sworn to discharge;

tive evidence of guilt which the law and he endeavours, by inducing them,

requires for conviction—we think it to surrender their arms and their po

very likely that they have been too sition to a rebel force—to do the very

wary to commit themselves by anything which would, of all others, give thing approaching to overt acts of the fiercest impetus to insurrection

treason, although not too well affected, over the whole country. When,

nor too scrupulous to instigate others then, we add to all these evidences

to embark in it. the sanguinary letters of Fathers Again, the attorney-general has Kenyon, Hughes, Bermingham, and

been assailed for not giving the priothers—when we call to mind that

soners the advantage they would have Dr. Maginn, and all the clergy of

if tried in England, that of being his diocese, joined the “ • league,"

furnished with a list of the witnesses. when we remember the hatred to the

Now it will not be supposed that we heretic and Sassenach, which ever has

care to go out of our way to defend been the ruling principle of the Irish

the attorney-general of a Whig goRoman Catholic priests, and the fact

vernment—but we think it highly imthat every one of them has been long

portant, as regards the estimation tutored in the sedition of Conciliation

which 'the country is to hold in the Hall, and that Sir C. Trevelyan, secre

eyes of other nations, that the chartary to the treasury, who ought to have

acter of the administration of justice to information on the

in our courts shall be upheld: that subject, states, in a letter to the

factious spirit which leads one IrishMorning Chronicle, 6. That there

man ever to be prone to run down cannot be a doubt that the great

another who is opposed to him in polibody of the Roman Catholic priests

tical opinion, is one of the many have gone into the movement in

curses of the country. We must say the worst, that is, in the rebellious

then, that we do not see by what sense.” When we bear all these facts

arıthority Mr. Monahan could take in mind, we feel that a strong case of

upon himself to extend to prisoners stispicion is made out against the go

on trial in this country, certain privivernment, and one which imperatively

leges which the law has limited to calls for an investigation by parlia

England. We are aware that there ment. We must not, however, forget

was a plea in abatement put in on this that the solicitor-general indignantly

ground for all the prisoners, and a denied the charge:

writ of error applied for, which will of course be granted by the attorney

general ; but assuming the law to be "He," the solicitor-general,“ was sure as it has always been hitherto regarded that his excellent and learned friend, Mr. as applying only to England, would Whiteside, would not lend the credit of

any attorney-general be authorized in his high character to a calumny as foul taking upon himself to extend its proas it was false; and that the jury would

visions to this country? There may be give the government the credit, that if

very good grounds imagined, why in any evidence were put forward against any person, whether a layman or a minis

England the prisoner should have such ter of the Church, proceedings would be

a privilege, which in Ireland it might instituted without regard to his sta

be most perilous to concede to him. tion or his religion, to bring the delin- If the attorney-general were limited quent to justice."

to the witnesses endorsed on the in

some access

dictment, any one of them refusing to to be produced by the prisoner. Pubgive testimony on the table (and two lic opinion now serves as a check on witnesses so refused in Mr. O'Brien's the crown in the conduct of a prosecucase), might defeat the whole prosecu- tion, and prevents the public prosetion against the greatest delinquents cutor from abusing the advantage the on earth; for the attorney-general law confers on him ; but everything would be precluded from supplying his would be allowed to a prisoner on his place by fresh testimony, inasmuch as defence, and every advantage would the witness to whom he should then be taken by him to defeat the proresort for such evidence, had not been secution. endorsed on the indictment. In Eng- Our space and time both admonish land the bulk of society are enlisted in us that we must now draw this hasty support of the law-in Ireland they notice to a close, which we do with are arrayed in hostility to it; and it greater regret, because that we are may be worthy of consideration, precluded from adverting, as we could whether "appropriate” laws rather have wished, to the incomparable adthan “equal” laws is not the thing vocacy of Whiteside and of Butt, on which is needed. We can very readily behalf of the prisoners; there is no conceive that it would lead, in in- such defence on record as that made numerable cases, to a failure of justice, for Mr. Meagher, since the days of if the prisoner in this country were Erskine, nor not anything approaching given the advantage over the govern- to it: but we hope to have other opment which he has in England, that, portunities of adverting to this noble namely, of knowing the witnesses to specimen of forensic ability; for the be produced by the crown, while the

present we must close. crown knows nothing of the witnesses

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In a paper on the early history of cites the saying of “one of our most India, published some time ago in this accomplished writers and speakers, at magazine,f we commenced our obser- this moment a member of her Majesvations by referring to the indifference ty's cabinet,” whom most of our readexhibited by the home public to all ers will easily recognise as the able topics connected with our Asiatic em- and eloquent Mr. Macaulay; and who pire; and we did so, as we then stated, “ avowed his conviction that not one not because the circumstance was in ten of our most highly-educated either striking or anomalous, but for gentlemen had the faintest conception the better reason of its practical im- of these incidents of British Indian portance. “ We could,” as we then history, which would correspond with expressed ourselves, “ little hope for the victories of Alfred, or the landing any marked improvement in the social of the Conqueror, in our domestic condition of the natives of India, un- annals." til the people of these countries had We gladly admit that since the apsuch an acquaintance with it, as that pearance of our previous paper, this a public opinion could be formed on insensibility to Asiatic interests has the subject, and was known to exist." been a good deal lessened. This is partly “It was only,” we added, “to such pres- an effect, and one which we anticipated, sure from without that the difficulties of the rapid, regular, and frequent which attend the promotion of Christi- communication by what is miscalled anity in India—the main sanitary provi- the "overland passage,” which passes sion for all its ills, spiritual, moral, and over no land except the hand's-breadth even industrial—would ever give way, at Suez. This acknowledged improveand that one of the first steps towards ment must, however, be most of all the formation of this public opinion, ascribed to the felt jeopardy to which was the diffusion of some knowledge our Indian empire was exposed by the of the history and statistics of the unexpected aggression of the Sikhs. country.” In humble aid of this ob- That taught us for, perhaps, the first ject we then took up our pen, and time, deeply to appreciate the value of with like purpose we now resume it. our imperial colony, and our views of In regard to the fact of ignorance of, interest were blended with nobler feeland apathy to, Indian interests, we ings in the triumphs which followed. find our views corroborated by what Although India is immeasurably the we believe we are entitled to call the most important of all our great depenhighest authority on such a point, the dencies, there is not another in regard Times newspaper, which, in a leading to which we have an equal tendency article of two years' later date-that to indifference. The philosophy of the is, on the 14th of June, 1847, dwells on cause of this appears to be, that it is the circumstance as a woeful truth, and the only one with which we are not

“Mill's History of British India.” Edited, and now completed, by Horace Hayman Wilson, M.A., F.R.S. 9 Vols. London: Madden, 1848. "The Life of Lord Clive." By the Rev. G. R. Gleig. London: Murray. 1848. Vide DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE, No. CL. VOL. XXXII.-NO. CXCII.

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