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and intercourse with men and business, supply the defects of education, and conduct their possessor, if not with equal honour, often with greater success, through intricate affairs-quickness of apprehension, foresight, prudence, and the power of dissembling. Thus fitted for the stirring scene on which he was to act, he found the circumstances of the time and the temper of men's minds admirably adapted for his views of independence. The English language and laws had made little progress among the mass beyond the immediate neighbourhood of Dublin. The Norman and Native chiefs were equally unwilling to submit to any yoke, or to be guided by any rule except their own arbitrary wills. The lower classes rather existed than lived; barbarous, beyond any other district in Europe, in their habits, and utterly unenlightened by any knowledge or information whatever, more than was requisite to provide their miserable subsistence from day to day. The Reformation had been introduced within the English pale, and under the preaching of Browne, Archbishop of Dublin, and many of his clergy who embraced its doctrines, had made some progress in Dublin, and to such extent around it as the English language was spoken. Everywhere else the ignorance of the peasantry and clergy, and their natural hostility to any system that came from those masters against whose political predominance they were, however unsuccessfully, still pertinaciously struggling, opposed insurmountable obstacles to its dissemination. Erroneous views, prevalent at that period, and shared in by but too many of the best and ablest statesmen, of the duty of the state to proselytise, and use even force, if necessary, for the purpose, produced measures that were met by obstinate resistance; and the intrigues of foreign ecclesiastics, and the ambition of individual chieftains, perverted and inflamed the antipathies of religious discord.

Of these materials for civil war, Shane O'Neill took that advantage which might have been anticipated. While engaging in an extensive confederacy with the discontented in every part of the island, he had the prudence to veil his designs, and actually pass over to London to pay his homage to the queen. Thence returned, he con

tinued steadily to strengthen his own power, and awaited only the favourable moment to break into rebellion. At length he burst upon Armagh with flame and sword, and advanced southward as far as Dundalk. Receiving there a check, he returned home, only to meet new enemies in the neighbour ing chieftains, who had risen against him, and took advantage of his retreat to press him on every side. Abandoned by his old allies, conscious he had offended Elizabeth too deeply and too repeatedly to be again forgiven, he sought refuge with the Scots who had established themselves in Antrim, and whom he had, a few years previously, assailed with his whole force.

A drunken quarrel, eventuating in an armed conflict, between his followers and a party of the Scots, terminated at once his life and his intrigues. Piers, an English captain, who not improbably fomented the dissension, cut off the head of the deceased chief, and carried it to the Lord Deputy to Dublin. His headless trunk was bu ried near Cushendun, on the coast of Antrim; and tradition still points out the grave of the great Shane O'Neill!

On the death of Shane, there were two claimants for his power and posi tion-Tyrlogh O'Neill, his uncle, and Hugh O'Neill, son of Matthew, who had been slain by Shane. Tyrlogh claimed to be the O'Neill, by virtue of the Irish laws, and also on account of the alleged illegitimacy of Matthew; Hugh derived his claims by the patent from the crown, which limited the estates and earldom, on the death of Con O'Neill, the first earl, to his son Matthew and his issue. Eventually the claims of Hugh prevailed.

HUGH O'NEILL was bred in Eng. land; and his first occupation was in the queen's service, as captain of a troop in the war with Desmond. While engaged on that service, he is said to have attained a high reputation for military talent. He was at all times remarkable for dissimulation, whether natural, or acquired by the circumstances in which he was placed. To this, and to his conciliating address, and flattery used unsparingly and dexterously on a visit to Elizabeth, was due his being established in his ancestral possessions, with the reservation merely of two hundred and forty acres

for an English garrison. The Irish parliament, at the same time, declared him entitled to the earldom of Tyrone, which had been granted to his grandfather.

Much controversy has taken place between historians respecting the ori gin and causes of the subsequent quarrel between O'Neill and the English government. Some lay the blame on him; others on the lord deputy; and Mr. Wills pretty equally on both. O'Neill, unquestionably, had within. the English pale a bitter enemy in Sir Henry Bagnall. He had carried off and married the sister of this knight, and, to enable him to do so, had divorced his own wife. And it is not unlikely that the conduct of O'Neill was subject to misrepresentation and suspicion, generated by the vindictive feelings of Bagnall. It seems, however, certain, that he was but too well inclined to seize on any excuse to shake off the yoke; and that during all the period at which he made the loudest professions of fidelity to the government, he carried on secret communications of a very different tendency with the insurgent native and Anglo-Hibernian chiefs, and even with the King of Spain. Some of his insurrectionary tendencies were certainly due to O'Donnell, another northern chieftain, who had been seized by Sir John Perrott, under circumstances of disgraceful treachery, and who, escaping from imprisonment, fled to O'Neill, and infused into the north his own ardent and just indignation. O'Neill, indeed, wrote to the government that he would persuade O'Donnell to loyalty, and in case he were obstinate, serve against him in person; but it was ere long seen that the principles of his guest found from him a ready sympathy and support, not the less dangerous because disguised. Private orders were issued to Sir Wm. Russell, the then deputy, if practicable, to seize O'Neill; and the language of the court became, in the words of Spenser " O'Neill, though lifted by her Majesty out of the dust to that he hath now wrought himself unto, playeth like the frozen snake." Deeming boldness the best defence, he suddenly appeared in Dublin, confronted his accusers, intimidated the viceroy, and, before orders were received from England, or measures were sufficiently pre

pared at home to enable his arrest with safety, returned again to his own country, having, by his courageous conduct, disheartened his enemies, and infused new vigour into his allies and friends. As soon as the queen received information of what had occurred, she expressed, in strong terms, her displeasure at the irresolution of the council, and the error they had committed in permitting so dangerous a person to escape; and, perceiving that the daring of O'Neill gave but too sure indications of the strength he had acquired, and the preparations he was making, determined to check the growth of his influence, and anticipate the hostilities of the insurgent party, by establishing a chain of fortresses, well stored and garrisoned, across the North of Ireland. O'Neill and O'Donnell, foreseeing that were this once accomplished, their designs could never be realised, resolved, if possible, to prevent the measure being effected, and broke into open war. The former suddenly appeared, with a large force, on the Blackwater at Portmore, where an English fort curbed the surrounding district, stormed and seized the fort, expelled the garrison, and driving them before him, advanced through O'Reilly's country with unresisted success. O'Donnell simultaneously invaded Sligo, and devastated a vast extent of country, with fire and sword, sparing no English adherent. insurrection, with various incidents, and with considerable intervals of truce, continued for a lengthened period without any definite result. A victory of considerable importance was at length gained by O'Neill and the confederates near Clontibret, and subsequently another near Portmore, and lastly one attended with the loss of fifteen hundred English soldiers, and thirteen captains (among them Sir Henry Bagnall), near Armagh, called by some the battle of the Yellow-ford, and by others of the Blackwater.

The

Contemporaneous with this defeat, the flame of rebellion was kindled in the south by James Fitz Thomas, known as the Sugan Earl of Desmond; and the historians of the period describe the British authority as shaken to its foundation. "The general voice," says Moryson, of Tyrone amongst the English after the defeat of Blackwater, as of Hannibal

" was

among the Romans after the defeat of Cannae." The queen, alarmed by the advancing success of the rebels, sent over her favourite, the Earl of Essex, with the largest and best-appointed force ever sent to Ireland, numbering no less than twenty thou sand foot, and two thousand horse. This nobleman, so eminent for valor, generosity, and all the accomplishments of his station, was by no means, in judgment and discretion, equal to his other attainments. Vain and ambitious, it was at all times easy for designing persons to impose on his openhearted nature, and make use of his popular talents to accomplish their own ends. We have stated that the rebellion had broken out in the South, as well as in Ulster; and it happened that the estates of the nobles and council in Dublin lay there. They, therefore, diverted the attention of Essex to that quarter, and induced him to lead his forces where, though predatory incursions, injurious, no doubt, to their properties, were to be apprehended, no constant, or really dangerous revolt, was likely to continue. O'Neill, the true source of the danger, left unmolested, increased in strength and audacity; the English forces were weakened and diminished in number by disease, and by being divided into garrisons; and at length Essex consented to a conference with O'Neill, in which that wily chief appears to have dazzled and deceived the romantic spi. rit of the earl. The conference took place at the ford of Ballyclinch, O'Neill riding into the water to his saddleEssex remaining on horseback on the bank. It was at this conference Essex is said to have made the well-known reply, in answer to O'Neill's assertion of grievances on the score of religion"Hang thee, thou carest as much about religion as my horse."

The correspondence at this time between Elizabeth and Essex is preserved, and is too characteristic of the time to be omitted:

"TO HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN.

"When this shall come to your majesties hands, I know not; but whensoever it hath that honour, give it leave (I humbly beseech your majesty) to tell you, that having now passed through the provinces of Leinster and Munster, and been upon the frontire of Connaught

(where the governour and the chiefe of the province were with me), I dare begin to give your majesty some advertisement of the state of this kingdome, not as before by heare-say, but as I beheld it with mine owne eyes. The people in general have able bodies by nature, and have gotten by custome ready use of arms, and by their late successes boldnes to fight with your majesties troopes. In their pride they value no man but themselves, in their affections they love nothing but idlenesse and licentiousnesse, in their rebellion they have no other end but to shake off the yoake of obedience to your majesty, and to root out all remembrance of the English nation in this kingdome. I say this of the people in generall; for I find not onely the greater part thus affected, but it is a generall quarrell of the Irish, and they who do not professe it, are either so few or so false, that there is no accompt to be made of them. The Irish nobility and lords of countreys, doe not onely in their hearts affect this plausible quarrell, and are divided from us in religion, but have an especiall quarrell to the English government, because it limitteth and tieth them, who ever have been and ever would be as absolute tyrants as any are under the sunne. The townes being inhabited by men of the same religion and birth as the rest, are so carried away with the love of gain, that for it, they will furnish the rebels with all things that may arme them, or inable them against the state or against themselves. The wealth of the kingdome, which consisteth in cattle, oate-meale, and other victuals, is almost all in the rebels' hands, who in every province till my comming have been masters of the field. The expectation of all these rebels is very present, and very confident that Spaine will either so invade your ma jesty that you shall have no leisure to prosecute them here, or SO succour them that they will get most of the townes into their hands, ere your majesty shall relieve or reinforce your army; so that now if your majesty resolve to subdue these rebels by force, they are so many, and so framed to be souldiers, that the warre of force will be great, costly, and long. If your majesty will seeke to breake them by fac tions among themselves, they are so courteous and mercenary and must be purchased, and their jesuits and prac tising priests must be hunted out and taken from them, which now doe sodder them so fast and so close together. If your majesty will have a strong party in the Irish nobility, and make use of them, you must hide from them all pur

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pose of establishing English government till the strength of the Irish be so broken, that they shall see no safety but in your majesties protection. If your majesty will be assured of the possession of your townes, and keep them from supplying the wants of the rebels, you must have garrisons brought into them, able to command them, and make it a capital offence for any merchant in Ireland to trade with the rebels, or buy or sell any armes or munition whatsoever. For your good subjects may have for their money out of your majesties store, that which shall be appointed by order, and may serve for their necessary defence; whereas if once they be tradable, the rebels will give such extreme and excessive prices, that they will never be kept from them. If your majesty will secure this your realme from the danger of invasion, as soone as those which direct and mannage your majesties intelligences, give notice of the preparations and readinesse of the enemy, you must be as well armed and provided for your defence; which provision consists in having forces upon the coast inrold and trained; in having magazines of victuall in your majesties west and northwest parts ready to be transported; and in having ships both of warre and transportation, which may carry and waft them both upon the first allarum of a discent. The enroling and training of your subjects, is no charge to your majesties owne cofers; the providing of magazines will never be any losse, for in using them you may save a kingdome, and if you use them not you may have your old store sold (and if it be well handled) to your majesties profit. The arming of your majesties ships, when you heare your enemy armes to the sea, is agreeable to your owne provident and princely courses, and to the pollicy of all princes and states of the world. But to return to Ireland againe, as I have showed your majesty the dangers and disadvantages, which your servants and ministers here shall and doe meet withall, in this great work of redeeming this kingdome; so I will now (as well as I can) represent to your majesty your strength and advantages. First, these rebels are neither able to force any walled towne, castle, or house of strength, nor to keepe any that they get, so that while your majesty keeps your army in strength and vigor, you are undoubtedly mistresse of all townes and holds whatsoever; by which means (if your majesty have good ministers) all the wealth of the land shall be drawn into the hands of your subjects; your soldiers in the winter shall be easily lodged, and readily supplied of any

wants, and we that command your majesties forces may make the warre offensive and defensive, may fight and be in safety as occasion is offered. Secondly, your majesties horsemen are so incomparably better than the rebels, and their foot are so unwilling to fight in battle or grope (howsoever they may be desirous to skirmish and fight loose), that your majesty may be alwaies mistresse of the champion countries, which are the best parts of this kingdome. Thirdly, your majesty victualling your army out of England, and with your garrisons burning and spoyling the countrey in all places, shall starve the rebel in one year, because no place else can supply them. Fourthly, since no warre can be made without munition, and this munition rebell cannot have but from Spaine, Scotland, or your own townes here, if your majesty will still continue your ships and pinaces upon the coast, and be pleased to send a printed proclamation, that upon paine of death no merchant, townes-man, or other subject, doe trafficke with the rebell, or buy or sell in any sort munition or armes, I doubt not, but in a short time I shall make them bankerout of their old store, and I hope our seamen will keepe them from receiving any new. Fifthly, your majesty hath a rich store of gallant colonels, captains, and gentlemen of quality, whose example and execution is of more use than all the rest of your troopes. Whereas, the men of best qualitie among the rebels, which are their leaders and their horsemen, dare never put themselves to any hazard, but send their kerne and their hirelings to fight with your majesties troopes; so that although their common soldiers are too hard for our new men, yet are they not able to stand before such gallant men as will charge them. Sixthly, your majesties commanders being advised and exercised, know all advantages, and by the strength of their order, will in all great fights beate the rebels; for they neither march, nor lodge, nor fight in order, but onely by the benefit of their footmanship, can come on and go off at their pleasure, which makes them attend a whole day, still skirmishing, and never engaging themselves; so that it hath been ever the fault and weaknese of your majesties leaders, wheresoever you have received any blow, for the rebels doe but watch and attend upon all grosse oversights. Now, if it please your majesty to compare your advantages and disadvantages together, you shall finde, that though these rebels are more in number than your majesties army, and have (though I doe unwillingly confesse it)

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better bodies and perfecter use of their armes, than those men which your majesty sends over, yet your majesty, commanding the walled townes, holdes, and champion countries, and having a brave nobility and gentry, a better discipline, and stronger order than they, and such meanes to keep from them the maintenance of their life, and to waste the countrie which should nourish them, your majestie may promise yourselfe that this action will (in the end) be successful, though costly, and that your victorie will be certaine, though many of us your honest servants must sacrifice ourselves in the quarrell, and that this kingdome will be reduced, though it will ask (besides cost) a great deale of care, industry, and time. But why doe I talke of victorie, or of successe? Is it not knowne that from England I receive nothing but discomforts and soules wounds? Is it not spoken in the army that your majesties favour is diverted from me, and that already you doe boad ill both to me and it ? Is it not beleeved by the rebels, that those whom you favour most doe more hate me out of faction, then out of dutie or conscience? Is it not lamented of your majesties faithfullest subjects both there and here, that a Cobham, or a Raleigh (I will forbeare others for their places' sake) should have such credit and favour with your majesty, when they wish the ill successe of your majesties most important action, the decay of your greatest strength, and the destruction of your faithfullest servants. Yes, yes, I see both my owne destiny, and your majesties decree, and doe willingly imbrace the one, and obey the other. Let me honestly and zealously end a wearisome life, let others live in deceitful and inconsistent pleasure; let me beare the brunt and die meritoriously, let others achive and finish the worke, and live to erect trophies. But my prayer shall be, that when my sovereigne looseth me, her army may not loose courage, or this kingdome want phisicke, or her dearest selfe misse Essex, and then I can never goe in a better time, nor in a fairer way. Till then, I protest before God and his angels, that I am a true votarie, that is sequestered from all things but my duty and my charge: I performe the uttermost of my bodies, mindes, and fortunes abilitie, and more should, but that a constant care and labour agrees not with my inconsistent health, in an un wholesome and uncertain clymate. This is the hand of him that did live your dearest, and your majesties faithfullest servant,

"ESSEX."

"ELIZABETH REGINA-BY THE QUEEN.

"Right trusty and right well beloved cosen and councellor, and trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Having sufficiently declared unto you before this time, how little the manner of your proceedings hath answered either our direction or the world's expectation; and finding now by your letters, by Cuffe, a course more strange, if stranger may be, we are doubtful what to prescribe you at any time, or what to build upon by your owne writings to us in any thing. For we have clearly discerned, of late, that you have ever to this hower possessed us with expectations that you would proceede as we directed you; but your actions show alwaics the contrary, though carried in such sort as you were sure we had no time to countermand them.

"Before your departure no man's counsell was held sound which perswaded not presently the maine prosecution in Ulster-all was nothing with out that, and nothing was too much for that. This drew on the sudden transportation of so many thousands to be carried over with you, as when you arrived we were charged with more than the liste, or which wee resolved to the number of three hundred horse; also the thousand, which were onely to be in pay during the service in Ulster, have been put in charge ever since the first journey. The pretence of which voyage appeareth by your letters, was to doe some present service in the interim, whilst the season grew more commodious for the maine prosecution, for the which purpose you did importune, with great earnestnesse, that all manner of provisions might be hastened to Dublin against your return.

"Of this resolution to deferre your going into Ulster, you may well thinke that we would have made you stay, if you had given us more time, or if we could have imagined by the contents of your own writings that you would have spent nine weeks abroad. At your returne, when a third part of July was past, and that you had understood our mislike of your former course, and making your excuse of undertaking it onely in respect of your conformitie to the council's opinion, with great protestations of haste into the north, we received another letter of new reasons to

suspend that journey yet a while, and to draw the army into Ophalia; the fruit whereof was no other at your comming home, but more relations of further miseries of your army, and greater difficulties to performe the Ulster warre. Then followed from you and the counsell a new demand of two thousand men,

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