THE WORLD'S COURT LEAGUE, INC. PLATFORM We believe it to be desirable that a League among Nations should be organized for the following purposes: 1. A World Court, in general similar to the Court of Arbitral Justice already agreed upon at the Second Hague Conference, should be, as soon as possible, established as an International Court of Justice, representing the Nations of the World and, subject to the limitations of treaties, empowered to assume jurisdiction over international questions in dispute that are justiciable in character and that are not settled by negotiation. 2. All other international controversies not settled by negotiation should be referred to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague, or submitted to an International Council of Conciliation, or Commissions of Inquiry, for hearing, consideration and recommendation. 3. Soon after peace is declared, there should be held either "a conference of all great Governments," as described in the United States Naval Appropriation Act of 1916, or a similar assembly, formally designated as the Third Hague Conference, and the sessions of such international conferences should become permanently periodic, at shorter intervals than formerly. Such conference or conferences should (a) formulate and adopt plans for the establishment of a World Court and an International Council of Conciliation, and (b) from time to time formulate and codify rules of international law to govern in the decisions of the World Court in all cases, except those involving any constituent State which has within the fixed period signified its dissent. 4. In connection with the establishment of automatically periodic sessions of an International Conference, the constituent Governments should establish a Permanent Continuation Committee of the conference, with such administrative powers as may be delegated to it by the conference. THE WORLD'S COURT LEAGUE, INC. Equitable Building, New York MEMBERSHip applicaTION I desire to become a member of The World's Court League and receive the WORLD COURT MAGAZINE for one year, for which I enclose Two Dollars. OFFICERS President of the League CHARLES LATHROP PACK President of the International Council President of the National Advisory Board Frank L. Babbott Nehemiah Boynton George W. Kirchwey Walter L. McCorkle W. B. Millar Secretary of the Board of Governors Charles Willard Young EXECUTIVE OFFICERS SAMUEL T. DUTTON, General Sec'y FREDERICK E. FARNSWORTH, Executive Sec'y FRANK CHAPIN BRAY, Editorial Sec'y CHARLES H. LEVERMORE, Corresponding Sec'y The officers of The World's Court League cordially invite you to join them in preparing the way for more just and harmonious international relations after the war. Forty-four nations have already voted for the Court of Justice which will be the chief corner-stone of a new world structure. While a League of Nations presupposes a better adjustment of international questions, the greatest assurance of security and durable peace rests in a World Court. The platform of the League is in harmony with the great work accomplished by the two Hague Conferences and with the treaties which have been made by the United States with thirty nations, providing for delay and inquiry in case of any international difficulty. To advance and concentrate public opinion the League publishes THE WORLD COURT MAGAZINE. A payment of two dollars makes you a member of The World's Court League and furnishes the magazine for one year. The League also desires contributions of from five to one thousand dollars for the support of this world-wide movement which is intended to make another war with its horrors and distress unlikely if not impossible. Use the coupon on opposite page. Wilhelm: "What have I not done to preserve the world from these horrors?" Entered as second class matter, September 16, 1912, at the Post Office at New York Copyright, 1915, by The World's Court League, Inc. For delays in delivering magazines, owing to war conditions of transportation and mail service, it is necessary to ask readers of THE WORLD COURT to make patriotic allowance. THE INTOLERABLE GERMAN LEAGUE OF NATIONS THE German League of Nations is cutting a large publicity swath at this stage of the war. There have been several versions of the recent conversational agreement between agreement between Emperor Charles of Austria-Hungary and Kaiser Wilhelm at German great headquarters. One does not have to accept the alleged and doubtful text of this agreement which got into the papers in order to understand that closer military, political. and economic unity is expected from the pact. Details of further negotiations by the ministries will undoubtedly be announced in due time to advertise further development of the combination. It seems to be clear that 1. German and Austrian troops will be more readily interchangeable, with the obvious purpose of having German troops available for garri soning revolutionary districts in Austria-Hungary. 2. A joint council for unified conduct of international affairs is projected, with a Bavarian president. 3. Economic unity will be sought on familiar lines of German business organization to reinforce the bloc in the war and strengthen the German, league afterward. Where do Bulgaria and Turkey come in on this league? It is said that Emperor Charles has satisfied both King Ferdinand and the Turkish Triumvirate by promising territorial adjustments chiefly at Serbia's expense! Meanwhile the German political and economic drive continues on the eastern front from Finland to the Ukraine, "White Russia" north of the latter, being the latest treatymaking unit in the breakup of Russia. In other words the German pur pose is to make its war league of nations, by any and every means, powerful enough to enforce its kind of international peace the peace of military, political and economic slavery. There is no compromise in the world war against such a league as that. Obviously, however, the mere phrase League of Nations on our lips can't beat the Kaiser; in cold blood it has been said that he beat us to the use of it for camouflage diplomacy of war and peace this time. And of course the league of nations idea in some form-understanding, agreement, alliance is no new thing under the sun. What is striking and different in the conception of a league outside the Central Powers is the belief that more power to fight-and to keep the peace can be generated by democratic cooperation than by autocratic decree in international affairs. So far discussion of the League of Nations idea has been much sharper in Great Britain than in the United States. National sovereignty is the big rock that divides opinion concerning what kind of an international league can come out of fighting the German league. But actual cooperative experience in getting things done to overcome the German menace is more educative than speculation in definitions of political sovereignty "At the Versailles conference," says an official British announcement, "the Premiers of Great Britain, France, and Italy agreed to the following declarations: The creation of a united independent Polish State, with free access to the sea, constitutes one of the conditions of a solid and just peace and the throughout a world largely to be made over by the war. The Supreme War Council, we notice, now speaks of "the alliance of free peoples," "resolute not to sacrifice a single one of the free nations to the despotism of Berlin." More concretely our people say that food, ships, men, guns, supplies, money (credit), information, skill, economy, team play, ideals of freedom and justice-will win this war, and must win the next war now! Such determined spirit of cooperation develops power and then more power applied to specific tasks in hand to achieve a common purpose. Looking ahead it seems to us that far more importance attaches to what we nations are now freely doing together and how-providing food, producing goods, handling transportation and communication, maintaining credit, creating cooperative executive bodies, and applying court and conciliation methods to internal differences-than to paper constitutions for a super-state or programs for an armed league of our own. Repeatedly has President Wilson emphasized "association of nations" and "partnership of peoples" as the line of international advance rather than government alliances and secret compacts between rulers. We expect to look back upon the German League of Nations as a horrible example of how not to do it. rule of right in Europe. The Allies have noted with satisfaction the declaration of the American Secretary of State, to which they adhere, expressing the greatest sympathy with the national aspirations of the Czechs and Jugoslavs for freedom." |