Talk About Books "My German Correspondence." By Professor Douglas W. Johnson. Published by George H. Doran Co., New York, 1917. Pp. 97. 50 cents net. A letter from a German professor written in July, 1915, and Professor Johnson's reply in February, 1916, make up this unusual war booklet. The sincerity and perversity of the German professorial mind regarding the war is pathetically revealed. Mr. Johnson is professor of physiography at Columbia University, but his reply both in form and spirit is a gem of pure Americanism. One hopes that it got by the Imperial government to the German professor. Here is but a single paragraph showing its quality: "Americans believe that a Government which provokes a war and deceives its people to secure their support, should be destroyed; that a Government which breaks its treaties and murders an innocent neutral nation, should be destroyed; that a Government which slaughters innocent hostages to prevent sniping by those whose homes are violently attacked, should be destroyed; that a Government which systematically and repeatedly bombards unfortified towns and villages, killing hundreds of innocent women and children, should be destroyed; that a Government which torpedoes unarmed passenger ships, drowning helpless men, women, and children by the thousand in shameful defiance of law and every instinct of humanity, should be destroyed; that a Government which in cold blood executes a woman nurse like Miss Cavell should be destroyed; that a Government which ruthlessly destroys works of art and monuments and levies crushing indemnities on captured cities, in defiance of the well-established laws of war, should be destroyed. In the opinion of Americans, a Government which did any one of these things would not be fit to exist in a civilized world. A Government which has done all of them and much more that is equally barbarous and brutal, must, in the opinion of the American people, be utterly destroyed." America's policy in the European journals. In the six articles which comprise this volume, published in English, Swiss and Italian periodicals, during the six months from December, 1916, to July, 1917, Mr. Herron presented the case of America-the reasons why America delayed before entering the war and the ends for which she is fighting, and gave a sympathetic analysis of President Wilson's statesmanship and vision. The first substantial and truthful foundation for the international idea, he says, was laid with Mr. Wilson's repudiation of that diabolic dualism-the belief that principles and actions which are individually desirable are collectively unworkable. "Woodrow Wilson has dared to believe divinely and his faith that a federate world is possible and the challenge of that faith to the nations is the most creative collective act since the French Revolution." Mr. Herron outlines the changes that would take place if the principle of government by the consent of the governed were carried out, and develops the idea that the Swiss governmental system might be adapted to the conflicting national groups in Eastern Europe. The Allies have been fighting from the beginning for these things-for the propositions that Mr. Wilson has voiced. "The cannon may be God's voices, the armies may be harrowing the fields for God's planting." With such whole-hearted belief in the righteousness of the cause of the Allies, Mr. Herron has a scathing contempt for the "pro-German morality of the pacifist." A socialist and pacifist himself, he has from the outbreak of the war been proAlly. "He is the true pacifist, I believe, who now identifies himself with the men and the nations that lay the axe at the Prussian root of the world's present overwhelming evil." Indeed, eight years ago, he wrote a paper published in England and America and afterwards translated into French and German urging the German peril upon the attention of the international socialists. As an outcome of the war Mr. Herron sees the dawn of a new world. In his words: "May it not be that the world, threatening and breathing out slaughter, is unknowingly on its way to Damascus, soon to be seized by an enlightenment that shall pitch the race upon an entirely new plane of experience? I believe this to be the most probable ultimatum of the war. It is probable that this deepening human night, sphering the earth in sorrow and tragedy unthinkable, will end in the break of an amazing and ineffable day. . . . It is probable that, de spairing of help in teachers and governors, discovering that society has built upon the worst, the nations will together resolve to make trial of the best, and so take up their procession toward the communal world. . . . The peace that proceedeth from a worlded good-will, the justice that inhereth in mutual love only, the freedom that is naught other than obedience to that love,-these are approaching, are inevitable. The kingdom of heaven is at hand." "A League to Enforce Peace." By Robert Goldsmith. With a special introduction by Dr. A. Lawrence Lowell. Published by the Macmillan Company, New York. Pp. xxx, 881. Cloth, $1.50. This volume, running into its sixth edition, was published as a text-book and a popular exposition of the particular program of the League to Enforce Peace, as the title indicates. But it is more than that. It would have been a more convincing book if less special pleading characterized it. The course of events in the world war, however, has a way of effectually disposing of elaborate plausibilities in argument. And the author's analysis of "The Creed of Militarism," which constitutes part III of the book, is a remarkably clear and helpful presentation of the fundamental moral issue in this war. One gets the impression that the writer here enjoys the freest expression of the message he has at heart. His survey of "The Forces That Failed" to prevent the war-pacifism, Christianity, labor, women, business, diplomacy, contains constructive suggestions. His advocacy of "A Programme to Prevent War" sets forth valid arguments for a league of states, an international court, a council of conciliation, and a congress of nations. The trouble with advocacy of particular force measures is neither obscured nor cleared up as we read; the force program here elaborated seems like bravely going up hill and then marching down again. A threat of force is voiced against a signatory nation until submission of a war-like case to inquiry or court is secured, that's all. The author apparently would go further than the League to Enforce Peace does. The text is readable and cleverly phrased, and Dr. Lowell's prefatory statement is entirely warranted: "All people who feel a real desire to free mankind from war, who believe that civilization is incomplete so long as wars like the present ravage the earth, will find themselves well repaid in reading this book."-F. C. B. "My Four Years in Germany." By James W. Gerard. Published by George H. Doran Co., New York, 1917. Pp. xvi, 448. $2.00. This simple powerful narrative of an Ambassador's experience in Berlin contains no study of the democratic forces in Germany but it carries, as a sort of by-product, an illuminating revelation of the Junker social and political caste system against which those forces do and must contend. Particularly instructive are the chapters entitled, Militarism in Germany and the Zabern Affair, Psychology and Causes Which Prepared the Nation for War, the System, Mainly Commercial, Hate, Liberals and Reasonable Men. The main part of the book is naturally occupied with the story of Mr. Gerard's inspection of the German prison camps and of his straight-forward dealings with the statesmen in charge of the German Foreign Office. "Germany, the Next Republic." By Carl W. Ackerman. Published by George H. Doran Co., New York, 1917. Pp. xiv, 292. $1.50. Mr. Ackerman was, from March, 1915, until the departure of Ambassador Gerard, war correspondent of the United Press within the Central Powers. At the outset he was pro-German in sympathies, but, as he "saw Germany outlaw herself," his opinion gradually but completely changed. Here is a clear and convincing description of the conflict of opinions over the use of submarines. The fluctuations of policy between the naval and military chiefs, Tirpitz, Falkenhayn, Hindenburg, Reventlow, on the one hand, and the Bethmann Hollweg group, with Helfferich, Kuehlmann, Jagow and Ballin on the other, are admirably portrayed. Here also is the best story of the official anti-American propaganda in Germany, which should be studied as the reverse side of the propaganda conducted at the same time in this country under the direction of Bernstorff. "Helping the Helpless." By Mrs. Lucy Seaman Bainbridge. Published by Fleming H. Revell Co., New York. $1. Here are two stories of life in lower New York told by one who was for many years superintendent of the New York City Missions Society. They deal almost entirely with individuals whom personal help of spiritual character spurred to worthy achievement despite the handicap of conditions and surroundings. Such a record of actual experiences is not merely testimony of work well done but inspirational to others. Special Articles of Permanent Value to the Cause of International Progress Tell Your Friends to Get Them AMERICA'S RELATION TO THE WORLD CON FLICT, by Samuel T. Dutton. INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF THE PRESS, by David Lawrence. AMERICA AND THE GUARANTEES OF PEACE, WAR FOR DEMOCRACY, by H. L. Gantt. PAN-AMERICANISM AS A WORKING PROGRAM, by Alejandro Alvarez. ONE DANGER FROM SECRET DIPLOMACY, by Edward L. Conn. In World Court Magazine for August. Price, 10 Cents. WHAT THE MONROE DOCTRINE HAS BEEN, IS, AND MAY BE, by Charles H. Levermore. THE MONROE DOCTRINE A WORLD PRIN CIPLE. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AFTER THE THE MONROE DOCTRINE IN RELATION TO CREATION OF A POLITICAL UNION OR EX- PAX AMERICANA, by George W. Kirch- THE ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES THE BRYCE PLAN FOR A PEACE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. THE COMING INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE, by Ralph Underwood. In World Court Magazine for June-July. Price, 10 Cents. THE UNLIMITED LIARILITY OF WARWHY NOT LIMIT IT? by Denys P. Myers. THE HEALING OF THE NATIONS-IS THE CHURCH DOING HER PART? by Francis E. Clark. SELECTING JUDGES FOR A WORLD COURT, by Richard Bartholdt, Lucia Ames Mead, Rafael Montufar. THE CONSTITUTION OF A WORLD COURT, by A. S. Hough. How SHALL A WORLD COURT BE CONSTITUTED? by William L. Ransom. A LOOK AHEAD IN WORLD RELATIONS, by Franklin N. Jewett. AND WORLD POLITICS, by THE CASE OF ITALY, by Edward L. Conn. INTERNATIONAL ALLIANCES AND THE "GENERAL WILL," by Walter Alison Phillips. In World Court Magazine for September. Price, 10 Cents. PRACTICAL MEANS OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION, by David Jayne Hill. RIGHTS OF NATIONALITIES, by Charles H. Levermore. THREE VIEWS OF THE BALKAN PROBLEM, THE FAILURE OF MODERN RADICALISM, by AS CULTURE, by H. N. THE POSITION OF ARMENIA, by Arnold J. Toynbee. EVERY SCHOOL A NATIONAL CENTER, by John H. Finley. THE WAR AND THE NEW AMERICA-THE NEW PAN-AMERICA, by John Barrett. CONSECRATION OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE TO DEMOCRACY, by Señor Don Ignacio Calderon. In World Court Magazine Sent Postpaid on Receipt of Price Address: WORLD COURT MAGAZINE, Equitable Bldg., 120 Broadway, New York STORY IN A NUTSHELL If, in order to win the war, the Government asked you If the Government asked you to lend your money for THE HE Government does neither of these things. It merely asks you to invest in interest-bearing securities, and offers you the best security in the world for the payment of your investment. In view of this fact-and the further fact that the money you thus invest is to be used to promote the comfort and protect the lives of American boys who are fighting your own battles for you Can you conscientiously do less than invest every |