quence, or riches, as fair plunder to those who chance to have none of these advantages. But who will not fee that this must go on for ever? You, oṛ those who may claim under you, can have no more title to what you will have robbed me of, than you allowed me to have; you will therefore be robbed, and plundered, and difpoffeffed in your turn, and fo from age to age men will be cutting each others throat, and pillaging and plundering each other in. endless fucceffion. But it will be faid, "all this "will be fet to right with time;-in the mean "while try the Revolution." But if we are to have our throats cut, that our grand-children may have a chance of enjoying their lives and their property, in the fame fecurity in which they have been fo long enjoyed under the prefent fyftem, I have no appetite to try the experiment. I have feen it already tried in France, and I am fully fatisfied. I have feen it for seven years producing confufion, oppreffion, cruelty, poverty, all forts of mifchief and wickednefs, as well to its original fupporters, as to its oppofers, and no good whatever.

But a peace with France; what can be said to this? A very short answer. They will not make peace with you; they will exterminate you, and cut you off from among the nations of the earth. "No," fay our great orators and effay writers, "they will fraternize with cc you." Yes, as Cain fraternized with Abel-yes as the French themselves have fraternized with Flanders, to plunder and rob, and confifcate, and drain you by forced loans and contributions, that you may fupply the total lofs of their own wealth and refources.

"They

They will admit you to their alliance;" yes, as they have admitted Holland, and Spain, and Venice, and the unfortunate Pope, to difpofe of your armies, and your fleets, and your refources, to the eftablishing of their own univerfal dominion, and not to let you even * think but as they please.

I truft I have now fhewn that none of the above. plans will anfwer our purpose. Let us then try to find out one that will. But that I may not be taken for a quack doctor, before I prefcribe the cure, let me try to find fome of the great caufes of our prefent unhappy ftate; and in order fo to do, let us take a fhort view of all ranks of people beginning with the higheft.

Of the King, if I knew ever fo many bad things, I should be cautious how I mentioned them, because I have no inclination to be hanged or tranfported; but, in truth, I know no harm of him; his private life every body fays is good, and I think his public conduct has been good alfo. Of this I am fure that this nation owes him more than to any other King that ever fat on the throne. The fhortening the duration of our Parliament, the emancipation of our Legislature, the freedom and extenfion of our commerce, the independence of our judges, the communication of the bleflings of the British conftitu

tion

you mu

• "To confolidate the power of the Republic," fays Buonaparte, in his answer to one of the Parifian addreffes, " "henceforth suffer no idea to prevail in the World but those of "the Great Nation."

tion to every clafs of our fellow fubjects, are among the many proofs of his royal difpofitions to promote the interest and happiness of this land, which demand our warmest gratitude and attachment, in fo much that We at least may fairly call him the best of our Kings.

Of his representative in this kingdom I have never heard but one opinion; amiable and conciliating in his manners, regular and ftri&tly proper in his conduct, a fond parent, an affectionate husband, with a humane heart and a found understanding, he has not only escaped the cenfure even of our moft violent oppofitionists, but frequently extorted their praife. To all who love the Conftitution, and wish to fee it preferved in Church and State, he has moft fingularly recommended himself. He undertook the Government of the country under circumstances which might well have made the boldeft fhrink from it; and by a steady, uniform, and refolute conduct, he has hitherto guided us through the ftorm, with a fuccefs of which many defpaired.

Having no more defire to fee the infide of Newgate than to try the air of Botany Bay, I fhall be cautious in what I have to fay about the Parliament. Of the prefent Parliament, indeed, we can as yet fay nothing, except that when we look to the taxes for the present year, we see a most marked leaning towards the ease of the lower orders, and that they are rich who principally bear the additional burdens of the state. With respect to the late Parliament, without

allowing

allowing it the privilege of all dead perfons, to fay nothing of it but good, its Journals can fhew many falutary regulations for which the nation is indebted to it. It paffed many excellent laws, and though there were many frong ones, yet who that will judge impartially for his country will fay, that the times did not require them, and that it is not to them we owe all that we at this moment enjoy? This praise the laft Parliament deserved, and this I hope the prefent will alfo merit. I will, however, beg leave to afk two or three fhort queftions, and let thofe whom the cap fits wear it.

When the law forbids bribery, can it be right to bribe?

When a man is employed in enacting regulations for the prefervation of morality and religion, is it confiftent to fhew to the world that he has himself neither morals nor religion?

When a man undertakes to act for others, can it be right to neglect his truft?

When acting for others, ought we to confider their intereft or our own?

As for the British Miniftry, I allow that they conducted affairs very well till the war began; I allow too, that we have had great fucceffes; but yet I am not convinced that things might not have been managed better and at lefs expence. I fhould, however, be more ready to blame Minifters in both countries, if I was not fully convinced that they have been prevented from doing their best by the opposition in both countries. And now my patience

begins to fail me for what can be more provoking to any man who really loves his country, than to fee men pretending to love their country, and to wish to fave it, and yet, instead of doing all in their power to help things forward, doing all in their power to hinder every measure propofed; and at laft, quitting their poft at the very moment, when (as they themselves allow) the country is in the utmost danger poffible? This question applies to the Oppofition on both fides of the water. But in the conduct of our Oppofition there are many things that muft add to our indignation. To hear them declaim with as much vehemence, as if they were in earneft, against the influence of the British Minifter, and the interference of a British Cabinet, and yet maintain, themselves, a conftant intercourfe with heads of the oppofition in England, the would-be ministers; receive their directions, adopt all their conduct, applaud them for facrificing the independence of our Parliament, by introducing into the English Parliament queftions, that concern ourfelves exclufively, and leave no doubt, how implicitly they would fubmit to their controul, were their great object to be fecured, and thofe who are at prefent in power should be turned out to make way for them! They did fo when in office with the English Secretary of their own party; they would do fo to-morrow fhould their party come in. But befides this, I do not hesitate to say, that we are indebted to them for most of the miferies with which the disturbed parts of the country have been vifited. Let any

man