to run the rifque of introducing them into this country, more particularly, as the proximity of the two iflands, and the number of ports conftantly open to them, will afford every convenience they can wish, either as to forming depofits for their goods, or the readieft means of bringing them over. hither.

One other circumftance it may likewife be neceffary to mention, as being more favourable to the finugglers than any thing they have ever yet experienced, namely, the fecurity they will derive from an exemption from seizure, unless they happen to be taken in the act of landing their goods; which is not very probable, on fo wide and extenfive a coaft for in that cafe, their veffels will be permitted, in the ports of Ireland, to clear out for Great Britain, with thofe articles on board; and of course, being admiffible here, they will be exempt from feizure on their whole paffage, as well as on their approaching the coaft, even in the Thames, protected by clearances; and fhould they be so closely watched at any time as not to have an opportunity of landing their goods clandeftinely,

or,

or, in the event of bad weather, being obliged to feek the fhelter of fome British harbour; in either of these cases they will remain fecure, and can always fave their veffels and cargoes by bringing them to an entry, and paying the duty on those particular goods, fo that, in the event most unfavourable to them, they will be on a par with the fair trader.

The conftruction of the Navigation laws now contended for, is, perhaps, the only point in which the interefts of the two countries feem feparate and diftinct; and if Ireland did not expect great benefit, she would not fo firenuously urge the claim; but this given up, England could not pretend to a competition with her in time to come. The matter in queftion indeed feems fo felf evident, that no man of the leaft commercial knowledge, who has talents or abilities to form an accurate idea on the fubjea, can hesitate in declaring the measure a flow, perhaps, but certain poifon, to the commerce, manufactures, and population of Great Britain. In fhort, it is not the bufinefs of Great Britain to encourage the migration

gration of her merchants and people to fituations of greater convenience, where all the articles of trade and manufactures are fo completely unburdened. England in half a century would find herself more hurt than she has been by all her debts and all her

taxes.

The advantage in queftion, is neceffary to counterbalance the advantages of Ireland, and preserve an equality with her. The burdens of the country, and, above all, the taxes on the inland and foreign commerce, fufficiently counterbalance all local advantages which arife from the habits, and the manners of Great Britain. It is effential, that the capitals and trade of the empire should not center in that part which does not contribute to the expences of it. The point in queftion would give to Ireland all the advantages of an union, without her taking upon her, any of the difadvantages. Ireland does not at prefent difpute in which of the countries the feat of empire shall be: but that queftion would be as reafonable, and not of more confequence than the prefent. The affectation of faying that H

it.

1

it is a point of no confequence, but that it will quiet Ireland, can only mislead the most ignorant or the most thoughtless. We do not in general obferve, that malecontents, or people diffatisfied with or without reafon, are apt to be quieted by unfubftantial favours. Ireland, indeed, has not been fatisfied with great conceffions. But if it were in truth a point of no confequence, those who urge it, are endeavouring to deceive the people of Ireland, and to prevail upon Great Britain to be acceffary to the deceit. If it were in truth an unfubftantial favour, those who state it as fuch will chearfully receive the refufal of it. It fhould not even be admitted, that the point remains to be fettled-It is fettled-It is a fixed principle, the most neceffary to fupport BritainIt is the foundation on which her profperity depends.

Befides these general objections, Great Britain has another of no fmall confequence. In the American and Weft-India trade, the great difficulty has been, and will be, to obtain payment for merchandize. The principal mode of payment has been, and

muft

muft be, by the produce of America and the Iflands. If that produce fhould be admitted into this country through Ireland, much of it will go there in payment for provisions of feveral kinds, linen, woollens, and various articles of manufactures and clothing. By fo much as Ireland shall take of that produce to re-export into this country or elfewhere, to that amount will England lofe of the best, and, in fome cafes, only node of payment from America and the Islands; and Ireland, inftead of paying England as heretofore, will fend thofe very articles to her, by which alone fhe could expect to be paid by America for merchandize fent there. Others objections to the expectations of Ireland in this point will arife in multitudes; those are glaring and obvious. The depreciation of landed estates, and the ruin of ftockholders, and of public credit, would be among the certain and inevitable confequences of fuch a conceffion; and however ftrong the declaration may appear, it is demonftrable, that an abfolute and entire feparation of the two countries would be less pernicious to the interests of Britain. If these objections appeared even lefs folid,